小康社会的政治定位

政治文明是小康社会不可或缺的组成部分 ,全面建设小康社会的现代化进程要求把政治文明建设放到突出的战略地位上来。定位全面小康社会的政治文明要确立政治民主化、政治公开化、政治公正化、政治科学化、政治法治化、政治效率化、政治廉洁化、政治秩序化八个方面的政治价值指标。小康社会的政治文明建设应转移到制度文明的重心上来。     

论当代中国社会分化与政治稳定形态的变迁

社会分化是社会发展的深层动力,也是政治发展的基本生态环境。1949年至今,中国社会在分化过程中经历了由政治强力整合形成的政治身份制结构到法定权利基础上的经济分层结构的转型,与此相适应,政治运行态势也经历了从集权型稳定到过渡型稳定的转变。随着现代化的进一步发展,中国社会将逐渐发展成以中间阶层为主体的现代社会结构。这一社会结构将造就一个较为成熟的市民社会,推动着民主型稳定的实现。社会分化转型从某种意义上说是国家与社会关系的两次较大规模调整。“强国家—强社会”模式是保持政治控制、社会结构分化和政治稳态化三者间平衡发展的最佳可能模式。     

关于社会中介组织的政治分析

社会中介组织是市场经济发展的产物,又是推动市场经济发展的润滑剂.近年来,社会中介组织在中国的发展十分迅速,它的社会功能不仅在于对市场经济发展的促进,从政治社会学的角度来看,它对于政府机构改革、政治民主化以及治理腐败等均有积极意义.     

1978年以来我国政绩合法性基础探析

1978年以来 ,中国实行改革开放政策 ,经济持续高速增长 ,人民物质生活水平得到极大提高 ,党和政府受到了人民群众的衷心拥护 ,以经济绩效为表征的政绩成为执政合法性最深厚的基础。但在经济建设和社会变迁过程中 ,也出现了“政绩困局”和其他一些消解执政合法性的因素和迹象。执政的合法性维系在经济绩效和经济增长上不可避免的存在局限性和时效性 ,法理合法性是应对挑战的应然选择。     

Life space and social networks as political contexts

Based on data collected in the course of the September and November 1980 waves of the National Election Studies, this contextual analysis of interpersonal relations in social networks presents two major findings: First, the neighborhood as a geographical unit does not appear to be a perceptually salient environment for political behavior; and second,particular neighbors, individually linked to a voter, appear to constitute a social network that has an independent impact on partisan affect for the political parties and their candidates as well as on stability or change in vote preferences as the electoral season goes forward. Thus, although the neighborhood appears to be of minor importance as a politicalenvironment, social relations among particular neighbors result in an interpersonalcontext that has an impact on political behavior.This article is being published simultaneously as Chapter 12 in Heinz Eulau,Politics, Self and Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress). Copyright 1986 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.     

The social logic of political choice: Picking a political party in the context of immediate social circles

The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences, knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles of political analysis. My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay.     

Ideological externalities, social pressures, and political parties

Members of political parties may influence each other. For example, a liberal in a party of moderates may moderate his views. At the same time, the moderates in the party may become more liberal. Voters in a district who favor such effects may care about the ideology of officeholders in other districts. They may therefore prefer a candidate who affiliates with a party over an independent with the same position.     

Recessions and social classes: Economic impacts and political opinions

Economic classes represent groupings of individuals in terms of some long-run distribution of economic advantages. Recessions and inflations impose unequal short-run costs which may or may not be congruent with class inequalities. This paper begins with the hypothesis that the class structure channels the personal impacts of macroeconomic fluctuations and helps to explain the opinion formation process which underlies any observed political response. The empirical puzzle involves properly specifying and implementing a test of this hypothesis.I outline two alternative conceptions of social stratification: one emphasizing individualistic competition for places in a continuously rankedstatus system, and the other focusing on patterned inequalities arising in the productive process and resulting in a discontinuous distribution ofclasses. The two are only modestly related empirically.The analysis section of the paper shows that status and class covary in distinctive ways with measures of financial condition and political opinion. The paper suggests that earlier research based on continuous indexes of social status may have erred in concluding that stratification is irrelevant to short-run fluctuations in political opinion.     

公民政治义务析论

西方政治学对公民政治义务理论的研究素为重视。在考察近现代、当代西方政治哲学视野下的公民政治义务理论的基础上,本文尝试对"走向权利时代"中的中国公民政治义务的内涵与类分作一初步论述,提出要把公民政治义务的履行与对公民权利的保护结合起来,培育健全的公民政治义务意识,促进社会主义政治文明建设。     

政治合作刍论

面对多元的政治现实,在公共领域复兴的视域下,审视当代政治合作面临诸多困境的时代背景,探讨政治为什么需要合作这一主题。在现代性的语境下,通过对思想史的梳理,寻求思想资源,探求政治合作的认识论和知识论的哲学基础,作为原因分析。     

政治心理视角下的网络政治参与

网络政治参与在我国已成峰火燎原之势.在网络政治参与众语喧哗的背后,蕴藏着我国公民对廉洁政府、服务型政府和社会公平正义的诸多期待.这种期待是网络政治参与动机的重要构成部分.网络政治参与动机主要有三种:经济利益动机、伦理道德动机、归属和成就动机.在多种动机驱动下的网民,通过网络上的学习、交流和强化,最终形成网络"群体极化"现象."群体极化"现象的形成,客观上要求政府对网络政治参与心理进行调适和疏导.     

西双版纳傣族传统政治形态中政治结构和过程探索

西双版纳傣族传统的政治结构是其政治权力的结构形式,包括其政权机构和实现政治权力的结构形式。本文主要通过其政治制度的分析,揭示其政治权力的实现方式。西双版纳傣族作为我国少数民族之一,其政治形态的发展变化在少数民族中具有一定的代表性,对其进行研究,有助于认识和把握我国民族政治的发展轨迹,从而加快我国民族政治的发展。     

浅析社会组织参与乡村治理的政治逻辑

社会组织参与乡村治理,不是一般意义上的公共管理变革,而是社会组织作为重要的政治力量,参与乡村事务,改变乡村公共权力配置的新的制度安排。其政治基础源于以下四个方面:经济成分多样化带来的政治结构多元化;乡村社会治理的再组织化;发展基层民主所创造的公共空间以及培育公民意识的重要场所。。     

State institutions, political power and social policy choices: Reconstructing the origins of Nordic models of social policy

Abstract.  The origins of the Nordic social policy model(s) need to be viewed broadly and historically from its late nineteenth-century initiation to the immediate postwar period (1940s to the early 1960s), when a social democratic model began to consolidate. In reference to the alternate social policy traditions of British poor relief and German occupational insurance, this article analyzes the sociopolitical contexts that finally prevented Scandinavian states from developing similarly, instead enabling development of universalistic social policy. The historical narratives are arranged with respect to four analytical aspects: policy development; the configuration of state institutions; the strength of liberal, conservative and leftist power blocs; and intra-Nordic divergence in all these respects. Such an approach integrates state-centred and power-resources-focused analyses of Nordic welfare.     

论政治文明与政党制度建设的关系

政治文明的实质和核心是政治民主化 ,其核心表现形式是制度文明。文明的政治制度化发展程度 ,事实上是一个事关人类政治文明发展的核心问题 ,在这个问题上 ,体现着一个国家和民族的政治智慧。笔者认为 ,随着人们价值观的变化 ,媒体的变化和政治发展的变化 ,政党体制也必然发生变化。在社会主义政治文明建设中 ,在政党制度建设问题上 ,执政党和参政党构成一个共同政治体系的两个方面 ,共产党处于多党合作的核心地位 ,起着领导作用 ,当代中国政党制度建设的关键在中国共产党     

On political connectedness and the arrest of Ivan Boesky

The bombshell arrest of Ivan Boesky on November 14, 1986 signaled the intention of then-US attorney for the southern district of New York, Rudy Giuliani, to increase enforcement of laws against insider trading. Looking at concurrent stock price changes, we find that New York companies were affected especially. More interestingly, New York firms with active political arms fared better than those without them; and New York firms connected to Mr. Giuliani’s Republican Party fared better still. We find no such effects for non-New York firms. These findings suggest that political connectedness was valuable in the era of more rigorous legal enforcement associated with Mr. Giuliani’s attack on insider trading.