反映时代 繁荣文艺——纪念《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》发表50周年

毛泽东同志《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》发表50年了。这篇讲话正确地阐述了文艺工作的一系列重大原则问题,是一部具有伟大意义的宝贵文献,对我国的新文艺运动产生了巨大的指导作用。 我们党十分重视文艺的地位和作用。毛泽东同志说:“无产阶级的文学艺术是无产阶级整个革命事业的一部分,”“如果连最广义最普通的文学艺术也没有,那革命运动就不能进行,就不能胜利。”邓小平同志说:“我们的文艺,应当在描写和培养     

坚持以人民为中心的创作导向

正文变染乎世情,兴废系乎时序文艺是时代前进的号角,最能代表一个时代的风貌,最能引领一个时代的风气。"文变染乎世情,兴废系乎时序。"在欧洲文艺复兴运动中,但丁、彼特拉克、薄伽丘、达·芬奇、拉斐尔、米开朗琪罗、蒙田、塞万提斯、莎士比亚等文艺巨人,发出了新时代的啼声,开启了人们的心灵。在谈到文艺复兴运动时,恩格斯说,这"是一个需要巨人而且产生了巨人——在思维能力、热情和性     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区节约储蓄运动

抗战相持阶段后,陕甘宁边区出现日益严重的财政经济困难。为了支持抗战与边区建设,稳定边区金融,1941年9月边区政府决定由边区银行发行"有奖储蓄券",鼓励和培养边区人民节约储蓄,从而推动了边区的节约储蓄运动。由于诸多因素的影响,边区的节约储蓄运动并未收到较好成效,但为党在金融事业方面积累了经验和教训。     

中共北平临委当年是怎样领导“一二·九”运动的?——为纪念“一二·九”运动六十周年而写

对于“一二·九”运动的伟大意义,毛泽东同志早在纪念“一二·九”运动四周年大会上就作过精辟论述:“同‘五四’运动是第一次大革命的准备一样,‘一二·九’推动了‘七七’抗战,准备了‘七七’抗战.”时光荏苒,转眼已经过去60年了,本人作为领导这次运动的四个主要领导人的唯一幸存者,抚今追昔,更加怀念一起战斗过的彭涛、周小舟、李常青三位战友,和当年积极参加这场运动的同志们.     

论周恩来对新四军的卓越贡献

党史专家石仲泉先生说过,周恩来是新四军的"助产婆"。实际上,就新四军在八年抗战中所取得的斐然战绩而言,与周恩来是分不开的。周恩来力促各方巧组新四军,勇破难题发展新四军,呕心沥血智救新四军,殚精竭虑守护新四军。在缅怀新四军将士为抗战胜利立下的丰功伟绩时,我们不能忘却周恩来对新四军的卓越贡献。     

“纲要”课讲好“十四年抗战”史教学研究——以黑龙江八一农垦大学为例

黑龙江省地域抗战文化资源丰富。依托这些地域抗战文化资源,突出局部抗战的历史地位,通过开设专题教学课、创新社会实践教学、探索新媒体教学手段、丰富大学生社会实践内容等教学形式,系统讲好中华民族"十四年抗战"的整体历史进程,这是高校"纲要"课落实"十四年抗战"精神,在大学生群体中牢固树立"十四年抗战"概念认同的重要教学理念。     

试论毛泽东对马克思主义文艺思想的发展

马克思主义文艺思想在1百多年中,指导了世界无产阶级的文艺运动。毛泽东同志是伟大的马克思主义者,他对马克思主义文艺思想有着深入的研究,不但有所继承,而且结合中国革命和文艺运动实际,丰富和发展了马克思主义文艺思想体系,把马克思主义文艺思想发展到一个新的阶段。     

“八年抗战”改为“十四年抗战”的意义

<正>过去几十年来,我们习惯将抗日战争称为"八年抗战"——起始于1937年七七事变,结束于1945年日本投降。这一观点起始于上世纪40年代,早已深入人心。而今年年初,教育部下发2017年1号文件《关于在中小学地方课程教材中落实"十四年抗战"概念的函》,要求用"十四年抗战"取代过去"八年抗战"的概念,并对相应内容进行调整,确保突出"十四年抗战"这一概念。那么我们为何要在半个多世纪后的今天,将"八年抗战"正式改     

围绕慈善搞文艺 繁荣文艺促慈善

文艺是时代前进的号角,是民族精神的火炬,是人民心灵的家园,也是推进慈善事业高质量发展最深厚的力量。新时代如何实现慈善与文艺的深度融合,文艺的作用更加无可替代,只能不断加强,不能丝毫削弱。近年来,盐城市大丰区广大文艺工作者传承历史文脉、紧贴现实脉动,满腔激情地为人民抒怀、为时代礼赞、为发展讴歌.     

适应新形势 走出新路子——兼论新时期党的自身建设的改革

正如人类历史的进程不能中断一样,一个政党,一个马克思主义政党的发展进程也不能停止不前.马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中曾庄严宣告:共产党"是各国工人政党中最坚决的、始终推动运动前进的部分."共产党不仅要推动科学社会主义运动的     

The impact of the Second World War on postwar social spending

The huge quantitative literature on postwar social spending almost entirely neglected war as a possible explanatory factor of social spending dynamics. Given the mass carnage and the enormous social needs caused by the Second World War, this is quite astonishing. This article examines for the first time, whether, and in what ways, the Second World War affected cross‐national differences in public social spending of 18 Western welfare states over the course of the Golden Age. Using panel regressions, it is found that the war strongly affected social spending until the late 1960s. The evidence demonstrates that the Second World War is not simply a temporal watershed structuring different phases of welfare state development, but rather a crucial factor for understanding cross‐national differences in welfare efforts and social expenditure dynamics in the postwar period.     

British Intelligence and the Mandate of Palestine: Threats to British National Security Immediately After the Second World War

Recently declassified Security Service (MI5) records reveal, for the first time, the full extent of the threat that Zionist terrorism posed to British national security immediately after the Second World War. It is well established within the historical literature that after 1945 Britain faced violent campaigns by Jewish terrorist groups in the Mandate of Palestine. Hitherto unacknowledged in the historiography, however, is the fact that the threat of Zionist terrorism extended from Palestine to Britain itself. This article studies the nature of the threat posed by Zionist terrorism within Britain after 1945, and explores the counter-terrorist measures that MI5 devised to meet it. Overall, as this article shows, MI5's concerns with Zionist terrorism after 1945 offer a striking new interpretation of the history of the early Cold War.     

中国共产党与妇女界抗日民族统一战线

抗战时期，中共在共产国际七大政策和国共合作的影响下，制定以动员妇女抗战为核心的统战政策，建立形态多元的妇女统战组织，为妇女界抗日民族统一战线的建立提供了政策基础和组织保证。适应国共关系的变化，中共采取灵活机动的统战策略，应对妇女运动领域的摩擦，使妇女界抗日民族统一战线得到发展和巩固，为中国抗战的胜利积聚了力量。     

冷战结束后日本马克思主义研究综述

日本马克思主义在经受了苏东剧变所带来的世界反马克思主义浪潮的严峻考验后,逐渐复苏并呈现出蒸蒸日上的发展态势.本文对此进行了梳理,并对全球化理论、环境思想以及社会主义理论等日本马克思主义研究的理论热点进行了重点概述.     

Party system dynamics in post-war Japan: A quantitative content analysis of electoral pledges

Qualitative accounts of Japanese party politics allude to the standard left-right spectrum, but they invariably devote much more space to discussions of foreign policy differences than to socioeconomic conflict. Quantitative estimates of Japanese party positions treat short party responses to newspaper interviews as if they were true manifestos, and fail both to confirm the claims of the qualitative literature and to demonstrate any consistent basis for party differentiation at all. We address both puzzles by applying a text scaling algorithm to electoral pledges to estimate Japanese party positions on three major policy dimensions. Our analysis largely confirms the findings of the qualitative literature, but also offers new insights about party movement and polarization over time.     

Re/visioning the women's movement in Israel

Current literature on the women's movement argues that in recent decades, a schism based on the politics of identity has divided women and led to the weakening of the movement. This process, intersecting with the escalation of neoliberal trends and the ‘NGOization’ of civil society, has resulted in the depoliticization of the women's movement and the waning of its influence as a political force. The present paper seeks to examine whether this argument is consistent with the situation in the Israeli women's movement of the early twenty-first century. Based on the history of the women's movement in Israel, the paper posits a twofold argument: (a) the women's movement in Israel has not disappeared but has been restructured as a result of its NGOization; (b) despite criticism of the movement in the literature and on the part of activists as the result of its NGOization, the movement's political messages have remained intact and even expanded to embrace questions of social justice, including novel thinking on matters of peace and security.     

Japanese police and Korean resistance in prewar China: The problem of legal legitimacy and local collaboration

Based on the records of Japanese Foreign Ministry police forces, this article describes a failed attempt by Japanese consular police in south Manchuria during the early 1920s to suppress the Korean independence movement in exile through the employment of local collaborators. Implemented because the Chinese government did not recognize the legal legitimacy of Japanese consular police operations on Chinese soil, this counter-insurgency program reveals the lengths to which Japanese consular authorities were willing to go in the search for solutions to their perceived national security threats in Northeast Asia long before the outbreak of full-scale war with China in the 1930s.     

高校文学课多媒体运用的局限性探讨

多媒体课件在高校教学得到普遍认可并成为主要的教学辅助手段，但无论是多媒体课件自身的辅助作用，还是文学作为艺术的一个门类，文学课使用多媒体课件都有明显的局限性。主要包括以信息替代知识，背离文学课程的基本教学目标；视觉的直观满足，违反了艺术教育和鉴赏的“不到顶点”原则；情感道德的隐退，弱化了文学课教书育入的基本功能。     

Developmental states in transition: adapting,dismantling, innovating,not ‘normalizing’

Abstract

In recent years, there has been an increasingly vigorous debate by a wide range of participants over the past, present and future of Japanese security and the national defence policy. Ever since the end of the Cold War, international relations theorists have cast their gaze to Japan, and have been given to re-examining ‘comprehensive security’ with a particular eye for the meaning of ‘security’. The 1990s were a particularly interesting time for this scholarly revisionism, while events of September 2001 have cast an entirely different spectre on the nature and expectations of Japanese security, both domestically and internationally. This article is particularly concerned with the developments in the 1990s as scholars sought to reassert the ‘defence’ component of the comprehensive security policy hitherto pursued by Japan. This re-examination has elevated former Japanese Defence Agency (JDA) bureaucrat Kubo Takuya as the key architect in crafting Japan's security policy. Tsuyoshi Kawasaki's contributions to the debate are especially interesting on this point. He rightly challenges the short-comings of the so-called ‘domestic-constructivists’, especially Berger and Katzenstein. However, in attempting to demolish their cases for ‘selective biases’ he then proceeds to selectively argue a similarly biased case in asserting the superiority of yet another derivation of the realist cause – ‘postclassical realism’. His key premises are based on his interpretations of the architect of Japan's National Defence Program Outline, Kubo, and in doing so ‘proves’ the military aspect of Japan's security policy and its ‘inherent superiority’ as an explanatory framework. Equally, one can mount a case for the ‘comprehensive security’ proponents by citing the work and presence of the late Okita Saburo in his contributions to understanding post-war security policy. This article will demonstrate a similar argument to that of Kawasaki's based on an analogous analytical framework which grounds Japanese security consciousness in a deeper historical context. It is part of a larger project which seeks to give empirical substance to constructivist interpretations of Japanese security.     

再论战后日本经济体制的特征、问题及改革--对战后日本经济体制的历史学分析

学术界普遍认为,日本当代经济体制是为适应日本战后的经济环境、经战后改革而形成的,这种观点值得商榷.本文指出近些年来,强调日本战时经济体制是战后经济体制的原型,认为二者的关系是未经战后改革而割断的"持续"关系,已成为一股强劲的学术潮流,传统观点已遭到动摇.本文还提出了日本经济体制的几项特征,对这些特征逐项进行了扼要的历史考察,并论述了日本战时经济体制的历史作用,以及当今日本的改革所面临的根本问题.