城市化与媒体话语传播策略

现代社会的话语体系是和大众传媒紧密联系在一起的。表面上看,大众媒体的活动是在进行信息传播,而这种活动的最终结果是要达成意义的理解。因此,媒体总在建构一些话语并通过这些话语来传播某种意义与价值进而影响受众。在城市化进程中,城市媒体的话语传播策略体现在以下三个方面:构建"城市话语",传播城市文化;倡导"亲情传播",发挥地域优势;拓展公共空间,实现"人城互动"。     

从“表态”到“批评”：媒体微博评论的话语转型与政府形象再造

微博由快速兴起到与传统媒体协同发展,重构了中国的传媒格局,并形成了公众自主传播的话语场,也对传统媒体的话语主导权和媒介影响力形成了空前挑战。媒体进驻微博,需要在微博场域中调整自己的话语传播模式,即摒弃传统的宣传话语模式,选择一种公共话语模式进行传播,其中,媒体微博的评论作为一种有态度的文体,和传统媒体的新闻评论相比,该如何实现由“表态”话语到“批评”话语的转型,进而有效参与到政府形象传播中尤为值得关注,通过强化媒体微博的公共职能,善用“批评”话语,敢于触及敏感问题,才能够重塑媒体公信力,才能更好地弥合政府主导传播的话语场与公众自主传播的话语场之间的裂痕,并督促政府进行职能转型,提升政府社会管理水平和管理实效,逐步增进政府与公众之间的互动互信,进而更好地服务于政府形象传播。     

中国特色话语体系构建之二 主流话语权旁落之忧——党报传播力解剖

话语体系的传播需要载体和媒介,话语权很大程度是通过媒体体现出来的。国际话语权"西强我弱"的重要原因之一,在于西方国家拥有相对强大的媒体工具。比如,美国的《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》、《华尔街日报》作为全球有影响力的三家报纸,也成为各国政要、金融界人士必须关注的媒体。美国媒体的影响力渗透到世界许多的国家和地区,为其话语霸权的建构提供了坚实的支撑。     

海南自由贸易港话语体系传播策略研究

做好话语体系传播是海南自由贸易港建设的重要内容之一。当前海南自由贸易港话语体系传播的力度、深度、广度与实践需求与各界期待还存在一定差距。根据传播学理论,话语体系传播效果的提升需要多方发力,官方媒体作为传播主体首先要发挥重要作用,系统构建传播机制,创新大众传播形式,分阶段、分层次、分形式、分职能推进话语体系传播,进一步提升海南自由贸易港话语体系的传播效果。     

国际传播视野下的电视话语表达策略研究——以央视国际化路径为例

新媒体环境下,电视媒体话语建构的单一传媒世界已呈现多元开放的时代特征,其中话语的主体表达功能及命题表达功能中的角度是"事件获取与发布聚集"的影响因素,主体表达功能中的情感是"人际情感互动与释放"的影响因素,主体表达功能中的认识是"新闻价值捍卫与监督"的影响因素。三重特征构成了全媒体时代制约下电视国际传播影响力的文化形态。中央电视台作为我国电视国际传播的主力军,将以促进社会文化多样性和民族意识觉醒多义性的双重承担参与文化强国的建设。     

解读大众传媒私密话语的“非私密性”

大众传媒私密话语以私人经验去反叛公共经验,叙写普通人的自我真实空间,但倾诉者将自己的私人生活空间的种种琐事、情绪通过大众传媒公开化,所谓的＂私＂也就带有了公开性。媒介让私密话语进入传媒公共话语空间,尽管强调个体性以消解群体性,但由于媒介更强调话语的公共关注度,因此,大众传媒私密话语也具有满足传播所需的相同质素。     

价值基点、协同机制与精准译介：论中国政治话语的国际传播效能提升

话语是观念权力与物质权力之间的媒介工具，提升中国的国际话语权，做好中国政治话语的国际传播是其中关键。在提升中国政治话语的国际传播效能过程中，需要以“全人类共同价值”为内在支点，以多模态的话语表达，形成中国特色的价值话语体系。在此基础上，还要链接各政治话语主体实现对国际话语霸权的突破，探索政治话语文本的社会共写来力避官方话语独白，从而形成有效的协同传播机制。此外，还要成为中国政治话语构建与流通的主导者，为国际社会提供中国政治话语精准译介的公共产品和服务。     

数字媒介与文艺批评话语的转型

数字媒介改变了当代文艺生产语境，促生文艺批评话语新变。精英批评话语中心地位失落，无法针对新的艺术实践开展有效批评。公共领域向数字媒介倾斜和位移，带来了传统媒体批评话语的衰落。自媒体批评话语有效利用了受众的碎片化时间，对传统批评话语产生挤出效应。媒介赋权使个人批评话语急速扩张，个人的意义生产与信息茧房相伴而生。就此，建构中国式文艺批评话语体系和范式、提高文艺批评家的素养、提倡对话式批评方法，是重构批评话语的有效路径。     

网络舆论时代社会主义意识形态教育的话语危机及应对之策——基于意识形态与舆论的话语关联分析

意识形态与舆论之间存在着阶级话语与全民话语、系统理论话语与日常生活话语、灌输式话语与参与式话语的话语关联,与这三个维度共同的话语关联之处即社会共同利益的契合,表明社会主义意识形态与舆论之间是内在而不是外在的话语关联。在社会舆论时代,我们通过不断推进社会主义意识形态的理论建设,实现了意识形态对舆论的话语主导,保持了二者的内在话语关联。随着网络舆论时代到来,社会主义意识形态与舆论的原有话语关联发生了变化,造成阶级话语难以统领全民话语、系统理论话语被显性化网络情绪所"稀释"、灌输式话语遭遇参与式话语网络抗争等话语危机。对此,我们需要透过网络情绪把握社会现实以实现系统理论话语与日常生活话语的有效链接,需要依据网络舆情具体地把握共同利益、设置主导性议题影响全民话语,需要积极引导公众表达、讨论以化解参与式话语对灌输式话语的网络抗争。     

思想政治教育话语空间之现状述评

空间是一切生产和一切人类活动所需要的要素,它与人们的生活密不可分。审视思想政治教育话语的建设情况,不能忽略对其话语空间的考察。从话语空间的中心主题来看,外在上它呈现了"革命""继续革命""改革""全面深化改革"等话语转换过程,内在上体现的是革命话语体系内涵不断深化和发展的过程。从话语空间的形式上看,在信息科技的驱动下,新话语空间逐渐被广泛接受和普遍使用,如自媒体话语空间、拟态话语空间等,它们对人们交往方式产生了巨大影响,也对传统话语空间的话语建构模式形成了冲击。从话语空间的关系上看,多元话语空间共存,在多种价值张力拉扯下,话语空间的博弈程度在加剧。从话语风格来看,随着理论探索的深入和政治话语的成熟,话语空间呈现出的话语风格逐渐走向亲民化和大众化。     

Hegelianism and Chinese intellectual discourse: A study of Li Zehou

This article is a study of Li Zehou, a significant Marxist cultural theorist in contemporary China, focusing on his critical interpretations of Kant's epistemology, ethics and philosophy of history. It argues that Li is actually a Hegelian, not a Kantian Marxist as he is generally considered. The Kantian principle of subjectivity, cognitive and moral, is reconstructed by Li within a Hegelian discourse of historicism and based upon a Marxist concept of practice. In holding an intellectual presupposition of the teleological view of history, Kant's notion of “the history of reason,” as a subjective faith for regulating an agent's moral actions, is misunderstood as an objective. Hegelian idea of historical necessity. The end of the inevitable process of history, according to Li's practical philosophy of subjectivity, is in the aesthetic realm, that is, an ideal state characterized by the unity of nature and freedom.     

Nationalism,Civilization and Transnational Relations: the discourse of Greater China

This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.     

About Face—the relational dimension in Chinese IR discourse

The preservation of face is an important concept in Chinese behavioral patterns, both at individual and national levels. Beyond national interest considerations, modern-day diplomacy between China and the world also involves substantially the exchange of face. This article will argue that face represents a relational understanding of how China views and interacts with the world. By linking face to three themes that international relations scholars frequently use in describing how China sees the world, namely, the tribute system, the Chinese memory of historical humiliation and China’s distrust of the American-led international system, the article hopes to show how the understanding of face—as a crucial element of Chinese identity—can inform scholars and practitioners in their attempts to engage China.     

The Sichuan Earthquake and the Heavenly Mandate: legitimizing Chinese rule through disaster discourse

In the aftermath of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the Chinese authorities launched a major public relations campaign to relay positive images of their relief effort and strengthen their political legitimacy. The effect has been a proliferation of symbols and political statements related to the disaster, not only in the official media, but also in cultural products such as movies or mass-media events. The earthquake has become part of the discourse of suffering, struggle, solidarity and ultimately victory. This article examines the ways in which various cultural products present the Sichuan earthquake and asks what meanings national crises have in the Chinese discourse on political legitimacy. The article analyses two cases: Chinese film, here in the form of Feng Xiaogang's blockbuster Aftershock, and performance-based discourses during the Beijing Olympics, the PRC's 60-Year Anniversary and the Shanghai Expo. By conducting a discourse analysis, we show how the earthquake has become part of a recurring discursive formation that is used by state and non-state actors alike to legitimate China's developmental model. Within this discourse, the leadership of the Party, the mastery of free markets and a revamped version of the Confucian idea of benevolent rule are marshaled as the decisive factors for winning any ‘battle’.     

人质谈判中劫持者话语的理解

话语意义的听辨、话语信息的解读和话语动机的推导是劫持者话语理解的主要内容。劫持者话语的理解在谈判中意义重大,利于谈判人员谈判时有的放矢,利于警方有效地控制犯罪嫌疑人,保障人质的生命安全。     

略论邓小平“社会主义本质论”的历史性

邓小平对社会主义本质的论述 ,是中国共产党人在新的历史时期对元问题的一次成功探索。本文从该理论的历史继承性、历史批判性与历史创造性出发 ,谈几点自己的想法。     

The Constitutive Rhetoric of Democratic Centralism: a thematic analysis of Mao's discourse on democracy

Employing the theoretical framework of constitutive rhetoric, this paper explores Chinese conceptions of democracy by examining Mao Zedong's speeches and writings. This rhetorical examination seeks to show how democracy is understood, defined, and conceptualized in China. Several themes from Mao's most famous speeches and writings are discussed in the light of his concept of democratic centralism. The rhetorical analysis supports the notion that Chinese communism includes democracy, as purported by Mao; however, this culturally unique form of democracy (i.e. democratic centralism) does not match the representative form of democracy employed in the West. Understanding that democracy is conceptualized distinctly by Chinese communist followers of Mao may provide insight for future international studies and relations.     

话语民主理论视阈中的政策议程建构过程分析

按照话语民主的基本理念，理想的政策过程应该是在开放治理体系所生成的公共能量场中，各利益相关主体基于平等的话语权在公开协商的基础上运用自身及其所代表群体的言说能力展开利益博弈并进而影响政策产出的过程。按照话语民主理论的观点，政策议程建构过程正是多元利益主体表达利益诉求，进行政策言说的着力点。基于政策议程发展脉络的描述和分析，我国政策议程创建形式应是相融型的。