微博还是“微搏”——新媒体时代侵权问题探讨

如今,微博已成为人们交流信息,发表评论和记录生活的重要渠道。作为一种分享和交流平台,其更注重时效性和随意性。因此,在满足了现代社会人们追求效率与信息化需要的同时,也带来了一系列的后果,微博侵权现象时有发生。就此类侵权行为提出一些法律思考如下:试行微博的内部实名制;合理采纳双方收集的证据。     

网络实名制的正当性基础

互联网技术的发展给现代社会带来诸多便利,也带来一系列崭新的挑战。创新网络治理模式,提升管理能力是网络信息时代的迫切要求,北京市首次推行的微博实名制正是当前网络治理的一个重要尝试。实名制作为政府网络治理的一项公共行为,必须正视自身的道德正当性基础问题,从结果论和权利论两重纬度自证其合理性。通过公共空间的理性谈论,网络实名制的正当性问题的核心任务在于通过法治保护个体各项合法权利,优化网络环境,促进网络繁荣发展。     

浅谈高铁实名制信息在铁路公安工作中的应用

高铁实名制售票给铁路公安工作带来了深远影响，也对铁路公安工作信息化建设提出了更高的要求。当前，铁路公安机关对实名制售票信息的利用存在旅客实名购票信息数据源获取不畅、相关平台软件开发滞后和尚未明确相关机构的职能及工作机制等问题。因此，铁路公安机关应通过畅通实名制信息的获取渠道、加速实名制信息监控平台的开发以及建设和建立完善一套科学规范的实名制信息监控工作机制等举措来提高实名制售票信息的利用效率。     

实名制能否做实

以信息社会为特征的匿名社会,给中国各方面的管理所带来的压力与挑战无疑是全方位的当网上关于博客实名制的争议进行得如火如荼之时,有心人发现,实名制已经渗透到我们日常生活的许多方面:手机实名制、购房实名制、BBS版主实名制、就医实名制,再加上已经实行许久的储蓄实名制、股票交易实名制……     

微博反腐：模型、现状与对策

微博反腐作为一种新兴的反腐方式，具有高效便捷、公开透明、及时互动的特征，越来越引起政府官员及廉政研究学者的关注。以微博反腐的积极作用和消极作用两个维度，可构建四阶段模型。微博反腐通常要经历“低积极、低消极”、“低积极、高消极”、“高积极、高消极”、“高积极、低消极”等四个发展阶段。当前我国微博反腐处于“高积极、高消极”阶段，在发挥巨大积极作用的同时也带来了诸多问题，如：微博虚假信息过多，微博反腐运作流程不健全，存在着非理性化倾向，等等。针对当前阶段微博反腐的发展状况以及出现的问题，政府应完善微博反腐的规章制度，促进微博反腐法制化、规范化；科学设计微博反腐流程，建立微博反腐信息库；深化对微博反腐的认识，推进政务公开；实行微博实名制，正确引导网络舆论，使微博真正成为有效的反腐平台。     

铁路客票实名制信息系统追逃应用

火车票实名制的全面实施,特别是客票实名制信息系统数据的应用,为铁路公安机关开展网上追逃以及打击倒票等违法犯罪活动提供了有利条件。鉴此,必须加大公安信息化建设力度,建立统一的实名制信息综合分析系统平台,将火车票实名制信息纳入铁路警务信息平台管理应用系统,拓宽情报信息来源渠道,进一步健全铁路公安管理和风险管控工作机制,确保铁路运输安全和旅客人身财产安全,为社会的公共安全提供安全保障,增强铁路公安机关驾驭社会管理的能力。应进一步完善铁路大情报系统建设和工作机制,使实名制数据应用在铁路公安反恐防爆、追逃、缉毒、打击倒票等专项工作中发挥更大的作用。     

正确引导微博舆论

面对网络发展的大环境,对微博舆论应从宏观和微观层面进行引导。宏观层面的引导主要是指政府通过提供法律层面的保障、营造良好的"氛围"及做强主流媒体,把好网络传媒环境关;微观层面的引导主要是指门户网站和传统新闻媒体对微博舆论的引导,前者可通过调整传播机制、培养"意见领袖"及实行网络微博实名制来实现,后者可通过真实的、理性的报道及搭建互动平台来实现。     

微博反腐中公民的权利规制与保障

互联网迅速发展给人们的生活带来了诸多的便利,给社会监督提供了新的平台,调动了民众的积极性,网络反腐应运而生。近几年的数据表明,网络微博反腐在反腐中独到了作用和地位,但由于网络的自身的特点,微博反腐也呈现出相应的不足,期待完善。     

基于微博社区网络无标度特征的政策引导体系研究

社会媒体的迅猛发展从根本上改变了人们的生活,但同时也给社会治理带来了挑战。微博作为最典型的社会媒体,信息传播具有众多不同于现实社会的新特征。而独特的无标度网络结构正是微博社区信息传播众多特征的形成基础。因此,其政策引导体系的制定也必然依托于独特的社区网络结构。通过对微博社区的网络结构进行分析,发现符合典型的无标度网络特性,并依托这一特性,形成了信息传播的即时性与迅速性、"明星"节点效应和稳健性等信息传播特点。基于上述信息传播特点,构建同时发挥"明星"节点和"草根"节点的基于微博社区网络结构特征的政策体系,可形成对网络舆情的有效引导。     

微博视阈下的大学生思想政治教育探微

随着微博的广泛应用,其逐渐成为大学生传递信息、人际交往和互动交流的重要平台,微博给大学生思想政治教育带来了新的机遇和挑战.如何切实有效地将微博应用于大学生思想政治教育之中是高校教师特别是思想政治教育工作者必须思考的问题.为此,建议运用微博优势,构建思想政治教育新的平台;加大校园微博宣传力度;提升教育者媒介素养;创新使用微博.     

公民参与网络与公共政策过程的有效运行

社会资本的生产、维持和积累主要依赖于两大来源:互利互惠的规范和公民参与网络。公民参与网络与公共政策过程的有效运行存在着内在的逻辑关联,即公共政策的有效制定和执行等与公民参与网络社会资本的储量息息相关。公民参与网络社会资本的充分发育是公民切实进入公共政策过程、讨论特定的政策议题、协力执行公共政策的前提。因此,政府在公共决策过程中必须考虑公民参与网络这个变量,通过有效的制度设计和建构促进公民参与网络社会资本存量的提升,以形成公民参与网络和公共政策过程之间的良性互动关系,从而有利于维持公共政策的公共利益的价值取向。     

GIS, Public Service, and the Issue of Democratic Governance

Geographic information systems (GIS) provide unparalleled power to examine social, economic, and political circumstances. As this technology becomes more prominent in the public sector, it brings new challenges to democratic decision making. How we choose to apply this technology will determine the relationship between those who control technology and those who engage in governance. This article provides examples of how GIS is being used for policy implementation and then explores the democratic implications of GIS.     

Business as a Collaborative Partner: Understanding Firms’ Sociopolitical Support for Policy Formation

While many scholars have discussed the merits of collaborative governance, especially for addressing complicated modern policy challenges, the literature has paid less attention to how business can serve as an effective collaborative partner during the formation of mandatory policies and regulations. Drawing on scholarship in the management sciences and combining it with literature in public administration and public policy, the authors elaborate on four distinct types of business responses to proposed regulations based on degrees of political activity and social responsiveness: defensive, reactive, proactive, and anticipatory. They then characterize the reasons why proactive firms are more likely to be valuable collaborative partners with policy makers and public managers: their engagement may avoid costly stalemates that frequently hinder policy making and help develop cost‐effective, flexible policy approaches to complex social problems.     

问责性与跨域治理之条件检视与体制建构——PAM与IAD观点

地方政府间为达到资源优势的共享和资源劣势的互补，应形成一水平的合作治理关系，然却因本位主义、政党立场及缺乏信任而成效有限。笔者参考欧美公共事务相关课题领域之区域分析、项目分析、政策分析及1991至1998年于台湾高雄推动都市营销之经验等，及对应个体（个人）认知本质的判断与决策理论等，从多元社会观点切入对于个体认知及群体行为之观察，并涵盖载体存量之影响而成的PAM（Public Affairs Management）整合架构，此与Ostrom教授等发展之IAD（Institutional Analysis and Development）架构应可人体对应，本研究结合二者探讨台湾的问责性与跨域治理之条件检视与体制建构。     

Varieties of Social Policy by Other Means: Lessons for Comparative Welfare State Research

Abstract

Scholars can take a broader look at social policy and understand that traditional public welfare state programs are only one of the many potential sources of social protection and regulation. The contributions of this special issue invite social policy scholars to explore policy instruments that provide “social policy by other means” across a wide array of areas, including agriculture, energy, immigration, taxation, and legal regulation of private benefits and services. The article provides a concise overview of some of the key theoretical and empirical implications of social policy by other means for comparative welfare state research. In order to do this, it is divided into two main sections, which respectively discuss the nature and boundaries of social policy and the varieties of social policy by other means. This is followed by a short conclusion, which summarizes the key lessons of this special issue for comparative welfare state research.     

The prospects of egalitarian capitalism in the global South: Turkish social neoliberalism in comparative perspective

Abstract

This paper studies the transformation of economic and social policy in Turkey during the 2000s. The policy mix that has emerged can be usefully conceptualized as social neoliberalism, combining relatively orthodox neoliberal economic policies and retrenchment of the protective welfare state (e.g. labour market institutions) with a significant expansion, both in terms of public spending and population coverage, of the productive welfare state (e.g. public health care). Therefore, social neoliberalism as a development model is distinct both from social democracy and orthodox neoliberalism. Its rise in Turkey during the 2000s is arguably best understood with reference to the interests of the AKP's support coalition, the salience of inequalities in access to public services, and the disconnect of social policy-making from civil society mobilization. Turkey's experience with social neoliberalism provides an important reference point for theorizing the ‘social turn’ that since the 2000s has occurred in many late-developing countries with now maturing welfare states, including Brazil, South Africa, Mexico and Chile.     

“Social licence to operate” and the human services: A pathway to smarter commissioning?

Externalised service provision is now an embedded feature of Australia's service delivery architecture. However, the lessons drawn from two decades of contracted service delivery suggest that “competition” is an imperfect platform for the delivery of public services, especially where issues of trust in government come into play. Could the concept of a “social license to operate” (SLO), which has been in use in the natural resources sector for over two decades, help to facilitate the conferral of greater trust, credibility and legitimacy upon governments, and externalised service providers in social policy spaces?     

公共政策创新中合法性要素的制度分析

公共政策创新中的政策供给是建构性的,因此,它必须通过各种渠道获得合法性要素的支持方能得以实施,否则,也可能因合法性要素的支持短缺而蔫死在襁褓之中。可见,合法性要素是政策供给的给养,只有给养充分,政策创新才能顺利进行。历史上存在着大量的公共政策创新失败的案例,其重要原因在于缺乏一系列必要的合法性要素的支持,这些要素是共同性支持、同源性支持、关联性支持和社会成员通过利益集团的支持。它们在公共政策创新中缺一不可,否则将导致公共政策创新的最终失败。因此,公共政策创新必须在这些要素的全面支持下获得合法性方能成功。     

URBAN GOVERNMENT, URBAN POLITICS AND THE FABRICATION OF URBAN ISSUES: THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF URBAN POLICY

An "urban" definition of public policy problems raises great difficulties for the policy maker. If we emphasize implementation as a primary factor in evaluating public policy, we have good grounds for questioning the wisdom of an urban perspective. But urban questions have been and still are major areas of concern in public policy formulation. The ALP federal platform contains a long section on urban policies, reiterating what the Department of Urban and Regional Development (DURD) was striving to achieve under the Whitlam Government. At state level, urban problems have been tackled with varying degrees of success and seriousness, although at this level overall urban perspectives tend to be ignored, for reasons we shall indicate. However urban planning authorities have been tried in most capital cities, and metropolitan plans have been drawn up for all of them. They have concentrated mainly on land use and urban form. By the 1970s a common criticism of such planning was that it left aside many social and economic aspects of urban growth. For example, one (admittedly partisan) government source—the N.S.W. Department of Decentralization and Development—noted "a massive and increasing trend towards socio-economic segregation":
…the remoteness of central city facilities …the cost of commuter transport and the inadequacy of community facilities in low-income outer suburbs are operating to perpetuate economic under-privilege.     

Attitude Change and Policy Decisions: The Case of Norwegian Alcohol Policy

In a democracy, political decisions ought to be based on public opinion. In practice, however, the mechanisms connecting voter preferences and public policy are complex, and it appears that public opinion may be partly policy-shaping and partly shaped by policy. In this article, some of these mechanisms are discussed. The article presents, first, three models of public reactions to policy decisions. These models are then applied in an analysis of the liberal trends in Norwegian alcohol policy as well as attitudes towards this policy. The results are consistent with a "consumer model", where citizens evaluate public policy according to their preferences, as well as a "support model", where they tend to follow and support decisions made by political leaders. A "discontent model", where implementation brings about less acceptance of a policy, is not supported by the data.