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1.
初论中亚的反恐怖主义斗争   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,中亚地区恐怖主义曾一度十分猖獗,为此,中亚国家采取了加大司法打击力度、增强军事能力等反恐措施,与此同时,积极与相关国家开展合作,在反恐方面已取得了一定成效。2001年“9·11”事件以来,中亚的反恐形势更加有利。然而,中亚国家内部存在诸多不确定因素,如对恐怖主义认识模糊、经济政治形势不容盲目乐观、民族矛盾和领土纠纷隐患严重等,同时,外部形势仍然严峻,如直接诱发和激化恐怖主义的因素存在、反恐合作中的不利因素也日渐突出以及恐怖主义问题有可能被外部势力利用等,因此,中亚的反恐怖主义斗争依然任重道远。  相似文献   

2.
冷战结束以来,对中国西部周边安全构成威胁的恐怖主义主要来自中亚地区和南亚地区。伴随相关国家反恐力度的加大及国际反恐合作的强化,中亚地区的恐怖主义得有效遏制,南亚地区则变成了恐怖主义的“重灾区”。一、南亚地区的恐怖主义态势与特点  相似文献   

3.
恐怖主义是引起当今国际社会普遍关注的问题之一。中亚地区因其特殊的地缘特点和人文环境已成为恐怖主义犯罪行为猖獗的地区。为治理这些犯罪行为,保障中亚的稳定与安全,中亚国家在国内反恐法律中规定了恐怖主义犯罪及其反恐程序的同时,把反恐国际公约转化为国内法律,从法律上为反恐斗争打下了坚实的基础。中亚国家的反恐法律有值得我国借鉴的地方。  相似文献   

4.
恐怖主义是引起当今国际社会普遍关注的问题之一。中亚地区因其特殊的地缘特点和人文环境已成为恐怖主义犯罪行为猖獗的地区。为治理这些犯罪行为,保障中亚的稳定与安全,中亚国家在国内反恐法律中规定了恐怖主义犯罪及其反恐程序的同时,把反恐国际公约转化为国内法律,从法律上为反恐斗争打下了坚实的基础。中亚国家的反恐法律有值得我国借鉴的地方。  相似文献   

5.
前苏联解体后,车臣问题成为危及俄罗斯国家安全和国家统一的严重隐患。莫斯科人质事件说明,在“9·ll”后恐怖主义已经成为影响国际关系格局的新范式。在世界各国政府联合反恐的国际背景下,车臣民族分离主义和恐怖主义已经成为国际恐怖主义链条上的重要环节。俄车臣反恐战略应定位于瓦解民族分离的思想体系、全方位拓展车臣决策的外交空间以及建构国内反恐机制等三个层面。  相似文献   

6.
“9·11”恐怖袭击后,恐怖主义成为美国国家安全的首要威胁,美国为此在安全、军事、民用等领域投入巨资,在国际上发动以其为首的反恐战争。今年8月19—25日,“9·11”事件十周年之际,国际政策舆论项目(PIPA)就恐怖主义及反恐战争相关问题,对美国公众舆论进行调查,以期为美未来反恐与安全政策提供参考依据。  相似文献   

7.
反恐法制化是应对当今恐怖主义常态化挑战的重要举措。中亚地区因其特殊的地缘特点和人文环境成为极端势力进行恐怖主义活动的主要地区之一。为打击中亚恐怖主义,保障地区的稳定与安全,中亚国家近10年来一直在加紧反恐法制建设:通过法律加强国内宗教管理,明确界定恐怖主义概念和恐怖犯罪行为,明确与反恐相关的法律程序,促进国内反恐法律与国际反恐公约的有机衔接。通过完善反恐法律体系,中亚国家这些年在认定恐怖组织和惩办恐怖行为等方面取得了明显成效。中亚国家的做法有不少值得中国学习和借鉴之处。  相似文献   

8.
自杀性恐怖主义袭击系自杀行为与袭击行为是同一行为的恐怖主义行为,将其与自杀性恐怖主义进行概念区分,对其行为特征与互动机制展开博弈分析,有助于揭示其行为逻辑与过程逻辑,提出更有效的治理政策建议。通过信号传递、俱乐部模型、"烈士"市场等博弈模型,人们可以清楚地发现,借助信号传递、禁忌与献祭、外包、负责声明、筛选与过滤等一系列行为和机制,恐怖组织使自杀性恐怖主义袭击成为一项理性的策略选择和有效的"弱者的武器",并能通过原教旨主义极端化和发动全球"圣战"来对抗国际反恐打击。因此,加强国际反恐情报交流与合作、帮助治理失败国家提升公共物品供应能力、切断"烈士"市场赖以运行的条件和环节等措施便成为可行的治理政策选择。合理借鉴博弈分析的思路、方法和成果,展开本土化的理论研究,有助于提升我国的恐怖主义研究与治理能力,更好地维护我国的国家安全,为"一带一路"战略和西进战略顺利实施保驾护航。  相似文献   

9.
2006年俄通过《俄罗斯联邦反恐怖主义法》,较全面地界定了有关反恐的相关概念和反恐实践过程中须遵循的法律.该法规定了预防和打击恐怖主义的基本原则,构建了垂直领导反恐协调体系,强化武装反恐的同时完善了反恐的善后工作,并为国际反恐合作提供了法律基础.但是,随着后疫情时代的到来,俄罗斯国内和地区的恐怖主义表现出新的特征和趋势...  相似文献   

10.
在当今世界,俄罗斯和美国是遭受恐怖主义威胁最为严重的两个大国,反恐战略在俄罗斯和美国国家安全战略中都是不可或缺的组成部分。俄美两国在反恐战略的形成、恐怖主义威胁判断、反恐目标、军事反恐战略实践和国际反恐合作等方面有相同之处,也存在显著差别。随着俄美领导人的更换,两国反恐战略都在调整,并且选择了不同的战略取向。反恐是俄美两国合作的重要领域,但俄美反恐战略的分歧可能导致双方之间爆发摩擦乃至冲突。  相似文献   

11.
After 9/11, the exact perception among young Chinese of terrorism and security is little known to the world. What are their views and how are they formed? Are there any obvious differences in perception between young Chinese in different parts of China? What causes this disparity, if there is any? Are these differences intentionally created by the Chinese party-state top-down, or are they only nurtured in a bottom-up, decentralized manner? Using primary research findings obtained from original quantitative surveys and qualitative analyses, this article attempts to offer an empirical answer to these questions. The article is arranged in three sections. The first provides a review of the literature on the topic and describes the research methodology used. The second offers an analysis of our survey findings on how university students from two different cities, Shanghai and Xi'an, evolve distinctive perceptions about terrorism and security. The third section explains the framework used to analyse our findings, which can be summarized as “the nearer, the more tolerant and the less state-centric” towards terrorist-related topics. A conclusion suggests the possible roles of—and wake-up calls for—the Chinese state and the media in light of these disparate perceptions.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Relations between Russia, Ukraine and Belarus and NATO have placed more emphasis on cooperation than confrontation since the Cold War, and Ukraine has begun to move towards membership. At the popular level, on the evidence of national surveys in 2004 and 2005, NATO continues to be perceived as a significant threat, but in Russia and Ukraine it comes behind the United States (in Belarus the numbers are similar). There are few socioeconomic predictors of support for NATO membership that are significant across all three countries, but there are wide differences by region, and by attitudinal variables such as support for a market economy and for EU membership. The relationship between popular attitudes and foreign policy is normally a distant one; but in Ukraine NATO membership will require public support in a referendum, and in all three cases public attitudes on foreign policy issues can influence foreign policy in other ways, including the composition of parliamentary committees. In newly independent states whose international allegiances are still evolving, the associations between public opinion and foreign and security policy may often be closer than in the established democracies.  相似文献   

13.
Although a plethora of research has examined US efforts to combat terrorism both at home and abroad, very few scholars have investigated the unprecedented relationships among US national security institutions and urban law enforcement agencies that have emerged since the events of 9/11. Through evidence culled from semi-structured interviews with 28 security planners in Washington DC and New York City, this article explains how path dependence, isomorphism and diffusion are propagating the application of military doctrine within domestic security initiatives through ‘intelligence fusion’. With particular attention to the Lower Manhattan Security Initiative, this investigation builds upon a body of work that has emerged in recent years by charting the institutional and technological architectures that are driving the deployment of paramilitary tactics and surveillance systems in cities.  相似文献   

14.
Governments tend to focus on short-term policies to address the immediate effects of high food prices when spikes occur, while in the long term, urban residents are left to their own devices struggling to ensure adequate household food consumption. Using data collected in three cities in Cameroon among 300 households, this article documents participants’ opinions on appropriate policies to address high food prices as well as how households cope with chronic high food prices. It emphasises the importance of long-term government strategies such as improved farm-to-market roads and agricultural sector supports as means to improve food security.  相似文献   

15.
In a democracy, legislatures are not only stages for performances by elected representatives; they are also stages for performances by other players in the public sphere. This article argues that while many legislatures are designed and built as spaces for the public to engage with politics, and while democratic norms require some degree of access, increasingly what are termed “purposive publics” are being superseded by groups who are only publics in an aggregative, accidental sense. The article begins with a conceptual analysis of the ways in which legislatures can be thought of as public spaces, and the in-principle access requirements that follow from them. It then draws on interviews and observational fieldwork in eleven capital cities to discover whether the theoretical requirements are met in practice, revealing further tensions. The conclusions are that accessibility is important; is being downgraded in important ways; but also that access norms stand in tension with the requirement that legislatures function as working buildings if they are to retain their symbolic value. The article ends with two “modest proposals”, one concerning the design of the plazas in front of legislatures, the other concerning a role for the wider public in legislative procedure.  相似文献   

16.
While cities are considered to be inherently unsustainable, these urban human settlements will be where a majority of the population will be living in the next two to three decades. Among the ten largest cities in the world in terms of population sizes, three are in Southeast Asia alone and more than one in two people will be living in cities in 2025. These primate cities—Metro-Manila in the Philippines, Jakarta in Indonesia and Bangkok in Thailand—are seeing not only rapid rates of in-migration but also rapid expansion and urban sprawl. Such rapid rates of change pose growing challenges to Southeast Asian cities including smaller capital cities like Kuala Lumpur, Ho Chi Minh City and Singapore. The strongest challenge concern infrastructural provision and particularly that provided for urban transport and mobility. Urban traffic congestion is an issue that is common to most Southeast Asian cities including Singapore which has introduced relatively draconian policy measures to both contain the level of car ownership and the use of the car. A comparison with several European cities highlight where Southeast Asian cities can review their own urban transport policies. This paper focuses on the lessons that can be learnt from a comparative study of the infrastructural provision and public policies that are in place in Southeast Asian and European cities.  相似文献   

17.
论我国沿边开放城市的区域职能缺失   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
我国的沿边开放城市(镇),面临着加入WTO、区域经济一体化、西部大开发和东北老工业基地振兴的新形势,表现出以增长极职能和跨国影响职能为主要内容的区域职能缺失。沿边开放城市增长极职能缺失的主要原因是:规模过小、城市体系发育不良、产业链短、交通基础设施不完善;国际影响职能缺失的原因在于:城市在跨境城市体系中能级较低、经济结构单一、支持腹地缺乏、区域经济一体化程度低。为此,策略性调整势在必行,要完成从沿边开放城市到边境地区中心城市的转变,需要实现边境城市的规模扩张、功能发展和城市体系布局合理化。  相似文献   

18.
东北地区城镇体系发展的产业支撑体系培育   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
东北地区城镇体系与产业发展呈现出较强的适应与反馈的互动关联态势,伴随着产业结构的高级化,必将促进东北地区城镇空间结构载体功能强化以及城镇体系发展的外向化,并认为产业空间协调与城市群整合、产业体系重构与地域优化及产业升级与城市职能体系优化等是产业支撑东北地区城镇体系发展的重点。  相似文献   

19.
政治和军事的需要是封建农奴制时期,西伯利亚城市设立的基本原因.17世纪初,西伯利亚城市工商民的出现表明了城市经济的产生.随着经济的发展,城市逐渐演变为社会-经济中心.  相似文献   

20.
Traditional food supply systems, like municipal public markets (MPM), are in crisis. Nevertheless, MPMs continue to demonstrate importance in the lives of the cities. In this article we discuss the case of Mexico City and the importance of the public markets for its neighbourhoods. We present the results of two research projects, completed in Mexico City at two different historical times and interpreted longitudinally. The results demonstrate the importance of socio-economic relationships for MPM's survival and potential. The article concludes with public policy recommendations to permit conservation, given the MPM's importance for the city's social cohesion.  相似文献   

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