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1.
(2006年4月13日·北京)我来到贵国的首都进行访问,并同中方的代表就哈、中两国合作等问题进行了会谈。我们对哈、中两国在各领域的相互关系及其今后的发展前景等进行了广泛的探讨。哈萨克斯坦高度评价中国的经济发展活力及其在当前国际关系中所起的作用。中国在改革中取得了巨大的成绩,也有效地巩固了自己作为一个对保障世界和地区安全做出了重要贡献的大国在世界上的地位。哈萨克斯坦共和国总统努尔苏丹·纳扎尔巴耶夫在致哈萨克斯坦人民的年度国情咨文中,把加强同中华人民共和国的相互合作作为本国外交政策的重点。我们对进一步发展与中国…  相似文献   

2.
<正>The report shows consciousness of its strategic importance in the Chinese national economy aligned with a focused vision based on practicability and sets objectives for the way forward in the global arena.I believe that China’s phenomenal economic path during the last two decades is an example,whereby,African countries can learn from the best practices and adapt accordingly to their respective environment and society.  相似文献   

3.
日本企业对华直接投资发展极快 ,前景看好 ,但由于中日双方经济、文化背景不同 ,难免存在矛盾和纠纷 ,这就要求我们要不断完善法律 ,建立公平竞争的投资环境 ,同时 ,也要求日本企业处理好文化的主体化与客体化的关系。  相似文献   

4.
<正>2017 marks the 45th anniversary of the normalization of China-Japan diplomatic ties.In order to boost mutual understanding between people of China and Japan and promote the improvement of bilateral relations,from February22 to 26,2017,at the invitation of the Chinese  相似文献   

5.
2004年以来,为解决东海争端,中日两国外交部门进行了11轮东海磋商。两国最高领导人发挥了政治智慧,为东海磋商起到了真正的掌舵作用。2008年6月,中国外交部宣布,中日两国就东海问题达成了原则性共识。本文介绍了中日东海磋商的主要成果及其启示,指出首脑外交及日本东海政策转变等因素推动了东海磋商的进展。  相似文献   

6.
《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2007,18(3):573-591
This article examines the role and position of the British Embassy in Athens, as a test case of a diplomatic mission facing strains because of a bitter regional dispute, the Cyprus crisis. In the mid-1950s Whitehall decided that the retention of Cyprus was necessary for British policy in the Middle East, even at the cost of sacrificing relations with Greece. Thus the Embassy's recommendations were constantly being ignored in Whitehall, while its relations with the Greek authorities were growing worse. After 1957, the new Ambassador, Sir Roger Allen, focused on British cultural influence and on Britain's role in tying Greece more solidly to the West. The 1959 Cyprus settlement and the 1961 visit of the Greek Prime Minister to London marked the most important successes of this more flexible approach.  相似文献   

7.
Peng Hu 《Democratization》2018,25(8):1441-1459
By taking the official state ideology into consideration, this article seeks to contribute to the study of public opinion of democracy under non-democratic regimes by analysing both qualitative and quantitative evidence collected in China. An examination of the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s discourse on democracy reveals that the CCP endorses popular sovereignty and political participation while denying political contestation. Meanwhile, the concept of democracy can have three distinctive meanings among ordinary Chinese: democracy as freedom, democracy as political participation to ensure government accountability, and democracy as good socio-economic performance. Survey data show that the majority of informed Chinese respondents treat democracy as political participation to ensure government accountability, which indicates that Chinese understanding of democracy has reached to a certain degree of consensus that is closer to universally-shared idea of democracy rather than being culturally distinctive.  相似文献   

8.
尹允镇  李文娇 《东北亚论坛》2020,(3):90-101,128
在全球化背景下,人文交流是发展国家间关系,构建人类命运共同体的重要手段。新中国成立以来,中日人文交流经历了初期开创、全面发展、深化认知三个历史变迁阶段,2019年中日高级别人文交流磋商机制的构建,带领双边关系步入新时期。中日关系与人文交流恰如一枚硬币两个方面,国家间的矛盾将会引起人文交流起伏波动。反之,持续的人文交流对于国家关系的恢复和发展同样具有累积调控效应。各个领域的人文交流“量”的积累最终会带动国家关系“质”的飞跃。因此,要重构中日关系,除了“要超越现代化”的矛盾,还要寻求中日之间长期人文交流的“共同文化遗产”。  相似文献   

9.
<正>The First Essay Contest on China-Japan Friendship jointly held by Japan-China Society and Chinese Association for International Understanding was successfully organized from April to July 2016.According to the selection of 8 review panelists  相似文献   

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11.
在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.  相似文献   

12.
At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU), an 11-member delegation of Japanese Kokuminrengo (Japanese National Federation for Autonomy, Peace and Democracy) headed by Secretary-General Nishizawa Kiyoshi visited Beijing from  相似文献   

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Abstract

Drawing on a wide range of theoretical and empirical studies, the articles in this special issue examine issues of citizenship and belonging in South Africa. Questions of belonging and citizenship are neither novel, nor particular to South Africa – they have been high on the intellectual (and popular) agenda internationally since at least the early 1990s. Yet South Africa's history of artificially separating and defining its citizens in the racial regimes of colonialism and apartheid still reverberates today, as is reflected in the continued inequalities marring South African society. Post-apartheid governance of redress still requires the use of apartheid categories of ‘race’, but the terms under which we understand what it means to be South African are much wider, and require continued critical reflection. Using South Africa (and not the global North, as is so often the case) as the focal point for rethinking notions of citizenship and belonging, may urge us to rethink these notions and their meanings within fledgling democracies and societies in transition.  相似文献   

15.
正Mr. Sun Jiazheng, Vice chairman, CPPCC President, China NGO Network for International Exchange On the auspicious occasion of the centennial anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, I would like to extend cordial congratulations and best wishes to Mr.Sun Jiazheng, vice chairman of the 11 th National Committee of the CPPCC, President of China NGO Network for International Exchange, CPC leadership, entire CPC membership for the tremendous achievements CPC has registered for the people and the nation.  相似文献   

16.
东亚是近30年来世界比较稳定的区域,也是发展速度最快的区域之一。东亚区域国家近些年的稳定与发展,形成了东亚和平合作的基本要件。  相似文献   

17.
日本外交理念中具有鲜明的机会主义性格,主要特征表现为原则性的缺失与利益至上、"变色龙"式的投机性格和务实的现实主义价值取向。日本外交及时顺应国际环境的变化而进行调整,通过不断的随风转向推行于己有利的举措,以谋求国家利益的最大化。  相似文献   

18.
浅析中日经贸合作新机遇   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
近两三年来 ,中日两国和东亚地区发生了和正在发生着一些有利于中日经贸合作发展的积极因素 ,即中日经贸合作迎来了新的发展机遇。如中国加入WTO ;中国将巩固和扩大对日本的出口 ,日本正把对外经贸合作的重点转向中国 ;东亚区域经济合作出现新发展 ;中日两国越来越重视与对方的经贸合作等。虽然也存在着影响中日经贸合作的不利因素 ,但机遇占主导地位 ,两国的经贸合作将有新发展。  相似文献   

19.
[编者按]中国社会科学院东欧中亚研究所<东欧中亚研究>副主编董晓阳、常玢于2001年6月20日在阿塞拜疆首都巴库对阿塞拜疆外交部长维拉亚特·古利耶夫进行了采访.现刊发如下,供读者参考.  相似文献   

20.
萨义德的东方学理论为重新解读克劳福德的名作《出使暹罗和印度支那王朝日记》提供了新的分析工具。本文通过重新审视书中蕴含的前提和假设,揭示出了克劳福德的东方观。克劳福德认为东方总是低劣的、野蛮的和感性的,其东方观是在他的作品与殖民主义制造的总体政治语境之间进行交换的过程中生成的。克劳福德的个人体验和对东方的传记描述最终向权威的东方学发生了转移,他的东方观随之也带有东方学浓厚的气息。今天,重新审视那些貌似客观公正,实际上却蕴含着西方文化霸权的著作是历史文化非殖民化的一项非常重要的工作。  相似文献   

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