Special Issue Introduction: Domestic Politics in Japan and Sino-Japanese Relations

The Sino-Japanese relations have again reached to the lowest point since Koizumi’s rule. Contrary to the conventional literatures which explaining the dynamic relation from the international dimensions, this special issue highlights the different domestic actors in Japanese politics who contribute significantly to the foreign policy-making process, notably regarding Japan’s Chinese policies. While there is a significant rightward shift in domestic politics and a growing discrepancy between central and local level politicians, the quest for discursive power between the opposing camps in the relevant areas will heavily determine future Sino-Japanese relationships.     

Local Governments in Japan and Roles Played in Sino-Japanese Relations

The potential roles played by local governments in Japan regarding Sino-Japanese relations are often neglected. Drawing upon a few representative case studies by highlighting the interaction between local and international politics, the article aims at analyzing the possible impacts of Japan’s local governments on Sino-Japanese relations in the future. First, it reviews the theoretical framework of sub-national or paradiplomacy and the relevant literature on Japan’s local governments in such framework. Second, through showing how their local leaders attempted to pursue local or personal interests by taking Sino-Japanese relations as hostage, it uses four local governments in Japan that have peculiar interaction with China as case studies. Finally, it previews some patterns as derived from the cases, in order to draw some implications for both Tokyo and Beijing.     

国际关系理论的国家性

本文首先提出了评判国际关系理论的三个层面 :“作者性—国家性—时代性” ,并在此基础上 ,着重分析了国际关系理论的国家性层面。第二次世界大战结束以来 ,主流国际关系理论的国家性突出地表现为美国性 ,即美国不仅成为国际关系理论的研究主体 ,而且成为国际关系理论研究的客体 ;美国不仅主导了国际关系理论研究的方法论、价值论 ,而且主导了其本体论、认识论 ,导致所谓国际关系理论的美国话语霸权现象。本文无意批驳这种现象或强化类似认识 ,而旨在考察美国主流国际关系理论的国家性根源 ,即美国人的思维方式、政治文化、国家使命与国家性格如何塑造其国际关系理论的内涵与外延。本文从这一个案出发进而思考国际关系理论的中国性问题。认为 ,国际关系理论的中国化必须另立门户 ,提出全新的体系与学说。     

中美关系、中日关系以及东北亚国际关系

从2007年起,随着中国经济的成长,中美日三国已成为世界上最大的三个经济体。这三国的综合国力均在世界前列,在东北亚更具显著优势。全球化时代,中美日三国在本地区凝聚着更多利益交汇,同时,中美关系、中日关系仍然存在诸多问题。本文研究东北亚地区的国际关系,核心是抓住中美日三个主要行为体,并以东北亚存在的两大冷战遗迹为线索,通过分析朝鲜半岛与中国台湾两对分裂与统一的矛盾,构建中美关系和中日关系在矛盾形成和演化中的作用,从而增进三国间战略互信与东北亚地区的和平共荣。     

The State,Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan,by Germaine A. Hoston

Abstract

This very dense book represents a significant effort to come to terms with the “national question” in radical discourse—the meaning of the nation in relation to, or in opposition to, the state—through the prism of the adoption of Marxist ideas in China and Japan in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This is a critical problem inasmuch as issues of state-building in China and of state hegemony in Japan have dominated the recent histories of those two countries.     

Population Aging in Postwar Japan: Processes and Prospects

This paper critically reviews postwar population development in Japan and aims to identify unsolved issues, which are possibly shared by other countries, and extract lessons for the future. First, I examine long-term development on fertility and life expectancy in Japan with a brief introduction of pre-war population history. I stress that some critical issues have often been ignored in policy debates and some important new challenges are now emerging, factors that are indispensable to extract lessons for the future. Second, I turn to the official population projections and related issues which again require scrutiny. Third, I emphasize that serious scientific investigation from multiple disciplines is essential to cope with the challenges of demographic changes and that Japan should take the leading role in research for the next generations all over the world.     

Chinese National Identity and Its Implications for International Relations in East Asia

This article traces the evolution of heightened Chinese expectations and the resultant spike in national identity in 2010, using a six-dimensional framework: 1) ideological, 2) temporal, 3) sectoral, 4) vertical, 5) horizontal, and 6) intensity. A hybrid ideology rose to the forefront. Forceful historical arguments covered three distinct periods. The triad of economic, cultural, and political identity raised sectoral identity to an unprecedented level. The leadership kept pressing the case for vertical identity in contrast to the West. Above all, it put the spotlight on horizontal identity to draw a sharper contrast with the United States and neighboring states as well. If at the time of the Hu-Obama summit the tone softened somewhat, China continued its risky wager on widening the identity gap. Regardless of whether China's foreign policy is currently assertive, its national identity narrative remains a driving force for divisiveness in the regional and international order.     

试论影响当前中日关系的文化与心理因素

在国际关系中,人们一般总是把政治、经济和军事作为国与国关系的首要考量因素,而把文化认同、民族心理等要素置于次要地位.但相对于前者的易变性、表层性,文化和心理要素更能在深层次上发挥潜在的影响作用.中日作为同属东亚文明圈的两个大国,两国关系的发展一波三折,令人困惑.究其原因,除却双方之间的现实利益冲突之外,在更深层次上,它与中日民族间的文化及心理认同的差异是分不开的.     

Sino-Japanese Relations Adrift in a Changing World

The Sino-Japanese dispute over the arrest of the Chinese fishing trawler captain is the most serious bilateral incident since 1952. Japan took an action viewed by Beijing as provocative and China overreacted. Feeling humiliated, Japan has sought allies to check on China. But China is not isolated. When it seeks to recover from its diplomatic setbacks in 2010, Beijing looks elsewhere because it has little trust in the DPJ government. As the world's second and third largest economies, China and Japan should improve relations. Without improved ties, they will find it even harder to manage emotionally charged disputes next time around. China and Japan are rivals but they are not yet enemies. The Chinese and Japanese governments need to exercise leadership, which includes making compromises when and where they become necessary. Since they have weakened capacity to deal with bilateral disputes, they should avoid them in the first place.     

商品经济的发展与日本近世身份制度的动摇

近世日本通过政治强制建立起来的身份制度以保障武士、领主和德川幕府的利益为根本旨归,而商品经济的发展却导致了武士的贫困化和豪农豪商的崛起,这种经济实力的逆转使近世日本的身份制度走向动摇,武士的优位因缺少经济力量的支撑而难以得到保障,下级武士在经济利益和思想意识上与豪农豪商日益一致,并在幕末民族危机的历史背景下结成联盟,成为推翻德川幕府的重要力量。     

战后日本在亚太地区的战略选择

战后日本选择在亚太地区推行重振战略、大国战略和拓展战略,逐步减轻战后体制束缚,恢复亚太强国地位,进而掠夺发展空间。三步战略目标明确、实施有序,相互衔接、融为一体,帮助日本洗脱战争罪责,骗取国际信任,攫取发展资源。这其中饱含了日本政府的政治谋略,具有很强的隐蔽性和迷惑性。由于日本亚太战略始终偏离正确轨道,并且为转嫁政府执政危机服务,所以很难取得最终胜利。当前中日关系紧张微妙。不能对日本保守政府抱有太多幻想,以防落入圈套,可以尝试联合国际力量,强化战后制裁体制,防止日本重蹈覆辙。     

日本战后动漫角色商品化的探索与实践

日本战后动漫角色商品化是在美国迪士尼角色商品化模式影响下发展起来的,尤其是由大众传媒发展、角色版权授权、角色商品系列开发等所带来的动漫产业链条的拉长,以及丰厚的利润回报,为日本动漫从业者以及动漫企业开辟了新的经济增长点。日本战后动漫角色商品化发展也进一步明确了以授权为主的市场交易机制,并以丰富多样的商业实践,奠定了日本动漫产业的发展基础。同时,日本战后动漫角色商品化发展也与当时社会需要相呼应,并为首要目标群体——儿童消费者广泛接受,这也为日本动漫产业的快速发展提供了社会基础与发展空间。     

Suits and Frocks: Dressmakers and the Making of Feminine Identity in Postwar Australian Society

In a context of heightened domestic ideology post–World War II, self-employed dressmakers contributed significantly to the making of the identity of Australian women. Through the skilled work of interacting with their clients and sewing their clothes, dressmakers both supported individual women’s presentation of “self” and operated at the intersection of gender and class relations. Working at home, they were not only making women’s clothes but also producing the social world. Drawing on interviews with thirteen women, this paper explores how such dressmakers’ work constructed a visual representation and interpretation of a feminine identity particular to their time, place, and local cultural context.     

Postwar Japan-China Relations: A Consideration from the Perspective of Reconciliation

This article attempts to take a new look at postwar Japan-China relations from the perspective of reconciliation. In contrast to the Murayama and Koizumi statements, one key phrase characterized both the August 14, 2015 Abe Statement and the report of the 21st Century Advisory Panel, which had been submitted earlier to the government: that key phrase is “postwar reconciliation.”     

“Informal pluralism” and Japanese politics: Sino-Japanese rapprochement revisited

This study attempts to take the 1972 Sino-Japanese rapprochement as a case study testing the hypotheses that emerged from recent research on the pluralistic nature of Japanese politics. It concentrates on “informal pluralism,” an important characteristic of Japanese political life. Internal maneuvers of Japanese politics during the normalization process have been closely examined. These internal elements include: the Liberal Democratic Party—informal organizations in action, the ruling party/bureaucracy apparatus—informal channels, opposition parties diplomacy—informal styles, and intellectuals—informal advisory groups.     

试论战后日本文学批评中前田爱的作用和地位

借鉴西方符号学和文本分析理论,前田爱构建起日本的文本分析理论,并以此为利器,广泛涉猎读者论、媒体论、都市文学分析,为立体解读文本丰富内涵奠定了基础,在战后日本文学批评中起着承上启下的作用.     

The Four Principles that Formed the Basis of Friendly Relations between Japan and China: The China Policy of the Nakasone Yasuhiro Government

This article examines Nakasone Yasuhiro’s policy toward China as a politician, including his remarks in the Diet before appointment as prime minister as well as exchanges with Chinese leaders during his prime ministership. Nakasone raised Japan-China relations to a level called a “honeymoon” in the 1980s, at which time the four principles of Japan-China relations were shared and there was the prospect of continued friendly relations into the 21st century. Behind the emergence of this era was not only Japan’s support for China’s economic development through ODA, but also the closeness of the stances that both Japan and China held toward the Cambodia and Korean Peninsula issues at the end of the Cold War. This may have been because there was the possibility for both parties to share information and mutually support each other. Nakasone actively talked not only with Hu Yaobang but also leaders such as Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang. However, as Nakasone’s partner Hu Yaobang was dismissed and the Cold War approached its end, the “honeymoon” between Japan and China came to an end, and the four principles by Nakasone and Hu gradually became just one frame of history.     

中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

俄罗斯国家身份定位与认知视角下的俄美关系困境

苏联解体近二十年来,俄罗斯与美国的关系经历了几次较大的波动,而每次波动都伴随着俄罗斯对自己国家身份定位的变化.叶利钦时期的俄罗斯没能融入西方,普京与美国在反恐行动中的合作也没能使其成为西方的一部分.俄罗斯东西方身份定位的不断摇摆和对大国身份一味地过度追求,对其国家利益建构和对外战略选择产生了重大影响,并在一定程度上阻碍了俄美关系良性互动的形成.同时,美国对俄罗斯身份定位的认同与否,也影响着俄美关系.