How Trust Matters: The Changing Political Relevance of Political Trust

Americans most often think about government in terms of its ability to grapple with issues of redistribution and race. However, the September 11 terrorist attacks led to a massive increase in media attention to foreign affairs, which caused people to think about the government in terms of defense and foreign policy. We demonstrate that such changes in issue salience alter the policy preferences that political trust shapes. Specifically, we show that trust did not affect attitudes about the race‐targeted programs in 2004 as it usually does, but instead affected a range of foreign policy and national defense preferences. By merging survey data gathered from 1980 through 2004 with data from media content analyses, we show that, more generally, trust's effects on defense and racial policy preferences, respectively, increase as the media focus more attention in these areas and decrease when that attention ebbs.     

The Relevance of Political Trust in Postwar Lebanon

Political trust in Lebanon is perceived to be drastically low. Instead of being regarded as agents of citizens' well-being, public officials are deemed as corrupting forces in the society. This attitude reflects people's discontent as a result of official policy. However, findings indicate that people's dissatisfaction with the government reduces political trust. This situation creates an environment in which it is difficult for those in government to succeed. The consequences of loss of trust could be detrimental to the legitimacy of the regime in question. The study derives its importance from the return to power of billionaire Rafik Hariri, a three time former premier, on the 22nd of October 2000, two years after being forced out of office and accused of corruption. Hariri hopes to reinvigorate his post-civil war reconstruction program that stalled while he was out of power. With many former ministers from Hariri's former 1992-1998 tenure reappointed and in light of Hariri's pledge to proceed with his previous policy, the survey findings indicate the low levels of political confidence that constrain the new government program to prevail over the country's bitter political situation.     

“央强地弱”政治信任结构与抗争性利益表达方式——基于城乡二元分割结构的定量分析

处于转型期的中国社会,抗争性利益表达已经成为公民表达利益诉求的重要方式之一.利用GCSS2010相关调查数据和Logistic回归模型,本文在对居民利益表达途径做“二维四元”划分基础之上,主要考察了中国“央强地弱”政治信任结构与居民抗争性利益表达途径之间的关系,具体就是考察“央-地政治信任差距”与“体制内非惯例化利益表达”和“体制外惯例化利益表达”的关联.研究发现:与非农业人口比,农业人口选择抗争性利益表达的可能性更大;“央强地弱”政治信任结构与抗争性利益表达之间也存在显著性正向相关关系;同时,女性抗争性利益表达参与率要低于男性.对利益表达途径做“二维四元”划分有助于深入把握和理解当前中国抗争性利益表达的发生机制;而厘清政治信任结构与居民抗争性利益表达之间的逻辑,则有助于认清当前中国政府治理中存在的问题.当然,本文还存在一些不足,特别是未能把体制内非惯例化和体制外惯例化利益表达“同时采取”,以及“均未采取”的情况考虑在模型之内.     

'Inevitable and Unacceptable?' Methodological Rawlsianism in Anglo-American Political Philosophy

This article attempts two parallel tasks. First, it gives a sympathetic explication of the implicit working methodology ('Methodological Rawlsianism') of mainstream contemporary political theory in the English-speaking world. And second, principally in footnotes, it surveys the recent literature on justification to see what light these debates cast on the tenets of this methodology. It is worth examining methodological presuppositions because these can have a profound influence on substantive theories: many of the differences between philosophical traditions can be traced to their methodologies. My aim is to expose the central features of methodological Rawlsianism in order to challenge critics of this tradition to explain exactly where and why they depart from the method. While I do not defend it at length, I do suggest that methodological Rawlsianism is inevitable insofar as it is basically a form of common sense. This fact should probably lower expectations about the amount of progress consistent methodological Rawlsians are likely to make in grounding comprehensive normative political theories.     

政治信任的逻辑起点及战略选择

作为政治合法性逻辑起点的政治信任,在现代化的进程中显得尤其重要。改革开放以来的实践证明,对急剧变革的中国社会来说,政治信任很容易受到干扰和动摇。因此,追寻政治不信任的产生根源,考察政治信任的逻辑结构,应该把根本制度和机制剥离开来,消除把政治信任置于机制之上的误区;应该把制度功能和角色功能区分开来,消除把政治信任置于角色功能之上的误区;应该把整体的政权、政府同具体的政府部门区分开来,将政治信任的基础构筑在对整体的政权和政府的评估上,防止政治信任在具体单位和部门的失误中流失。     

Conspiracy Endorsement as Motivated Reasoning: The Moderating Roles of Political Knowledge and Trust

Given the potential political and social significance of conspiracy beliefs, a substantial and growing body of work examines the individual‐level correlates of belief in conspiracy theories and general conspiratorial predispositions. However, although we know much about the psychological antecedents of conspiracy endorsement, we know less about the individual‐level political causes of these prevalent and consequential beliefs. Our work draws from the extant literature to posit that endorsement of conspiracy theories is a motivated process that serves both ideological and psychological needs. In doing so, we develop a theory that identifies a particular type of person—one who is both highly knowledgeable about politics and lacking in trust—who is most susceptible to ideologically motivated conspiracy endorsement. Further, we demonstrate that the moderators of belief in conspiracy theories are strikingly different for conservatives and liberals.     

Political Efficacy through Deliberative Participation in Urban China: A Case Study on Public Hearings

Since the early 2000s, local governments in China have been holding public hearings to solicit opinion from state, city and township residents about legal and administrative issues. Having begun with a relatively small participation rate, in the last 10 years public hearings have achieved sustainable growth in their frequency and visibility in mainstream and social media. Given that public hearings do not offer decision-making power, the increased participation rate reveals an influence not necessarily on public policy making, but on urban citizens’ attitudes towards available participatory and deliberative mechanisms. This article refers to three bodies of literature: political efficacy, deliberative democracy, and social movements. The literature on political efficacy reveals the link between political attitudes and behaviors. The literature on deliberative democracy is an important part of the analysis because Chinese public hearings are based on deliberative designs imported from North America and Western Europe. The literature on social movements complements the deliberative analysis undertaken in an authoritarian context by providing it with conceptual tools to adapt to this new setting. The public hearings held in Guiyang (Guizhou), Wuhan (Hubei) and Qingdao (Shandong) in 2010 and 2011 are used as case studies to demonstrate participation demographics and the impact of public hearing participation on city dwellers. This article investigates the impact of participation in public hearings on the political efficacy of Chinese citizens, and, based on the results, contends that such participation equips the participants with an increased level of political efficacy, and enables the development of political networks and citizen strategies that help to constrain local officials.     

福利制度的过程治理：再分配、政府质量与政治信任

改革开放以来,我国经历了从生产主义福利到民生导向适度普惠性福利制度的转型。福利制度通过国家实施的再分配重塑国家与社会关系,为公众提供了理解政治过程的机会窗口,福利制度的过程治理是国家再分配能力的基础来源。福利制度的过程治理要求福利制度从制度设计、制度运行到社会反馈的全过程体现代表性、程序公正和廉洁性等政府质量要素。本文基于实证研究,通过考察政府质量对国家再分配能力提升的重要性,发现政府质量在福利制度生成政治信任时发挥着关键调节作用,代表性、程序公正和廉洁性均显著地影响着再分配项目对政治信任的强化效应,政府质量的中介作用在选择性福利和普惠性福利之间存在异质性效应。总之,共同富裕的政治逻辑要求构建具有代表性、回应性的福利制度决策过程和程序公正、廉洁高效的制度运行过程。     

政治效能感、政府信任与政府网站公民参与行为 ——基于重庆、武汉与天津三地居民调查数据的实证研究

政治效能感、政府信任对公民政治行为的影响效应与作用机理是政治学与社会学研究的重要议题.政府网站的普及应用为公民参与公共决策提供了新的契机,但迄今仍缺乏关于政治效能、政府信任对政府网站公民参与行为影响效应的实证研究.以重庆、武汉与天津三个城市(区)的普通公众为调研对象,通过结构方程模型分析政治效能、政府信任对公民在线参与行为的影响效应与作用机理.分析结果表明:政府信任、内在效能感、回应性能够直接促进政府网站公民参与行为,其中回应性的作用最为重要.政府信任在内在效能感、外在效能感与参与行为的影响关系中呈现出部分中介作用,而对认知度与参与行为的影响关系则具有完全的中介作用.此外,外在效能感、认知度、回应性能够显著增强公民的内在效能感.内在效能感在外在效能感对参与行为的积极影响中发挥着部分中介效应作用.     

传媒对大学生政治信任和社会信任的影响研究

基于对合肥市大学生的问卷调查,我们对媒体与大学生的信任关系进行了研究。结果发现,大学生印刷媒体的总体性使用对他们的政治信任有积极的影响,但网络媒体的总体性使用对他们的社会和政治信任的影响却是消极的。多年来,中国传媒研究者有关媒体政治、社会效果的研究,一直存在着媒体宣传动员效果和宣传回飞镖效应的争论,但本研究的发现既不完全支持前者。也不完全支持后者,我们还对相关的发现进行了讨论。     

Exploring the Paradox of Liberal Democracy: More Political Communications Equals Less Public Trust

Francis Fukuyama asks: ‘Is liberal democracy prey to serious internal contradictions, contradictions so serious that they will eventually undermine it as a political system?’ This paper argues that one of these ‘internal contradictions’ is the political communications process and it can be sufficiently serious to undermine the democratic system—but such an undermining is not inevitable.     

Political Bias and Methodological Failure in Assessing Environmental Impacts of Development Projects: Comparative Analysis of the High Aswan Dam and Calaca Thermal Power Plant Development Projects

Environmental impact assessment (EIA) by various sectors for development activities still needs operational guidelines to avoid failures. The High Aswan Dam in Egypt and the Calaca Thermal Power Plant in the Philippines were examined to delineate lessons. Three sorts of methodological failures were identified in these cases, although they differ in many aspects. They are (1) preoccupation with the previous case, (2) oversimplified assumptions about cause and effect, and (3) lack of a holistic viewpoint. These cases were also influenced by political biases, which led to inappropriate assessment methodologies and, subsequently, to erroneous conclusions. Care should be taken to avoid these universal failures in carrying out an assessment.     

Surrogate Versus Direct Measures of Political Culture: Explaining Participation and Policy Attitudes in Illinois

To date, there has been little persuasive validation of Elazar'sconcept of political subcultures as it applies to mass publics.This study represents an attempt to establish an agenda forfuture research utilizing this popular formulation of the relationshipbetween the citizen and government. A statewide sample of 805residents of Illinois was given agree-disagree statements representingElazar's individualistic, moralistic, and traditionalistic subcultures.The data are used to explore three basic research questions:Do individuals discriminate themselves along the political subculturedimensions suggested by Elazar? Can region of residence, religion,or ethnicity be used as surrogates for individual level politicalculture? And, can political culture, measured directly at theindividual level, add significant independent explanation ofpolitical behavior and opinions beyond that of socioeconomiccharacteristics?