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1.
AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…  相似文献   

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<正>In late October,at the invitation of friendly organizations in Cambodia and Laos,a Chinese NGO Delegation visited the two countries.The delegation was made up of 6 members from the Chinese Association for International Understanding,Chinese People’s Association for Peace and Disarmament,China NGO Network for International Exchanges and China Foundation for Peace and Development respectively.Though the visit lasted  相似文献   

4.
The exchanges between China and the Middle East are profound. In 500 B. C, the world-famous Silk Road was built. In 700 B. C, there were two great empires on the Asian Continent. To the east was the once-prosperous Tang Dynas-  相似文献   

5.
Invited by the Japan-China Association (JCA), the CAFIU publication delegation visited Japan in December 11-18, 2005. While in Japan, the delegation respectively called upon Takeshi Noda, President of the JCA and member of the Lower House from the Liberal…  相似文献   

6.
A time comparison is necessary for analyzing the changes that have taken place in international relations. The September11 attacks took place in 2001, hence the need for a comparison of the situation before and after the events. Here we mean the time star…  相似文献   

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Backgrounds and Features According to recent annual reports by both Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and Londonbased International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), twenty to thirty armed conflicts and local wars in various forms take place every year in the world since the 1990s, and of  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

This article analyses how jihadist ideology groups discursively represent “the West” and “non-believers” in their online propagandamagazines. In doing so, it contributes to the field of Critical Terrorism Studies conceptually, by considering the voices of violent actors, and methodologically, by illustrating how linguistic tools of enquiry can advance current knowledge of jihadist ideology groups. Our work adopts a case study approach, focusing on the online magazines Inspire and Dabiq, which are part of the propaganda machinery of, respectively, Al-Qaeda and ISIS. The analysis reveals a number of similarities and differences in the discursive strategies that these twogroups use. On the one hand, both Inspire and Dabiq support and further construct an “us versus them” dichotomy thatpolarises differences between their jihadist ideologies and those of Westerners/non-believers. On the other, Dabiq’s discursiverepresentation of “the West” targets a wider variety of individuals and groups of people and geographical locations than Inspire’s. Additionally, Inspire places a greater focus on the pejorative construction of “the West” than Dabiq, suggesting that Al-Qaeda places more emphasis than ISIS on presenting “the West” as the enemy of jihad.  相似文献   

9.
In view of all mentioned above,governments of Latin Amercian countries havenow begun to engage themselves in revising their economic policies and adjust-ing the neoliberalist economic model so as to mitigate the increasingly sharper socialcontradictions and create a social environment favourable to sustainable economicdevelopment.  相似文献   

10.
I would like to touch upon two things: how to assess China's rise and its international environment. The first is a controversial issue among the Chinese academic community with some claiming that China is rapidly rising and others seeing such a statement a luxury. This difference in assessment represents the focus of the current debate. Is Chinas rise a reality already? Of course not. In the light of Deng Xiaopings design, China will not reach the level of a medium developed country…  相似文献   

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An opportunity exists to assess the limitations in building long-term peace in post-conflict states, particularly given the extent to which negotiated settlements incorporate demands for democratic mechanisms. By assessing how post-conflict governments construct new majorities through policy tools as well as assessing how they are constrained by the structural realities of negotiated settlements, we gain some purchase on the reasons why some post-conflict state projects succeed while others fail. This has potentially transformative implications for our understanding of how social contracts, and their attendant issues of consent, dissent, and legitimacy, operate in the modern world and the ways they impact such critical discussions as democratic transition, post-conflict reconciliation, and nation-building. We use the case of post-apartheid South Africa to analyse how post-conflict states are limited in terms of forging social contracts among citizens and between citizens and governments. Of specific interest is the way that post-conflict social contracting compels nation-builders to eschew the uncertainties of viable electoral democracy in favour of dominant party regimes or electoral authoritarianism. We suggest that this tension is less a result of pecuniary interest on the part of nation-builders and more a consequence of the imperfections of the modern social contracting process.  相似文献   

12.
Since the end of the cold war, the world has undergone extensive, complex and profound changes. The features of such changes are multi -polarization, globalization and diversification. These three features are interconnected and closely linked. They influence each other and promote each other. Muhipolarization, globalization and diversification are still in the process of development, and are therefore fluid and constantly changing. Generally speaking, the development of the world situation is in favour of world peace and stability. But in the process of multi-polarization, globalization and diversification, various unprecedentedly complicated contradictions and new problems crop up, so we still need to jointly and appropriately handle the situation.  相似文献   

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The U. S. A will succeed militarily in the Iraq war. However, it is far away from the true meaning of victory in war defined by distinguished strategic thinker B. H. Liddell Hart, even inaccessible. Using Hart's own word, the true victory in war is to attain a better state of peace and improve the quality of life for the survivors after the war is over. What await America after the basic success in Iraq are grave military and political difficulties. Moreover, there may be bigger economic and financial troubles as well.  相似文献   

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Having enjoyed nearly two decades of economic recovery and rapid development as one of the most successful member-states of the European Union, Ireland was shocked and chastened by the global financial crisis of 2007–2008 and its traumatic impact on the country. A threefold crisis assailed its economic and political elites and citizens when the property bubble built up since 2002 exploded 6?years later. Its banking system collapsed through over-exposure to loans built up from the cheap credit made available after the euro was introduced. There was an immediate impact on state revenues when property-related windfall taxes collapsed under this pressure, exposing a yawning gap between current expenditure and revenues. And the country’s economic competitiveness suffered from a runaway cost base. The paper puts these events in the context of Ireland’s overall experience of European integration and its economic development. It goes on to explain how Ireland got into trouble in 2008 and tracks the major events over the next 3?years and how they were handled. Three major axes of argument about the EU/IMF rescue packages are discussed, highlighting the views of political leaders and public opinion dealing with the intensified euro zone crisis in autumn 2011. The paper goes on to assess their attitudes to EU decision-making, the role of the European Central Bank, the prospects of treaty change and Ireland’s emerging position in a reconfigured Europe coming to terms with a more multi-polar world.  相似文献   

15.
The current round of financial crisis stemming from the U.S. is now spreading rapidly all over the world. People are yet to see what will become of the crisis. There are entrenched reasons for the crisis.  相似文献   

16.
The Korean nuclear issue has entered a phase of substantive settlement. Neither the DPRK nor the United States wanted the  相似文献   

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In response to the theme of "strengthening efforts at all levels to promote pro-poor sustained economic growth, including through equitable  相似文献   

18.
Ⅰ. Main Characteristics of the Global Circumstances in 1997 1997 is one of the key years for the world to take a great leap forward to thenew century. In the heat of the combat between the progressive forces repre-senting the new epochal spirit and the traditional powers, namely the Cold Warmentality, the world has seen in various aspects the most profound and conspicuouschanges, particularly the relations between great powers,ever since the ending ofthe Cold War.  相似文献   

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The reform of the United Nations is closely related with the transformation of the International system. The United Nations has made great success since it started a comprehensive reform in 2005. Such a reform is necessary both for the transition of the largest international organization in the world and transformation of the international system. The United Nations still has a long way to go in the comprehensive reform because of many factors.  相似文献   

20.
The Federal Republic of Germany has since the end of the Cold War been at a crossroad in defining its role in European security. On the one hand, its contribution to democratic reform and economic stabilization in North Central Europe has enhanced enormously the prospects of representative government there; on the other, Germany remains wed to an outdated concept of military security and is reluctant to commit either the fiscal resources or the political capital to assume a role commensurate with Germany's importance in the development of a European Security and Defense Identity. Moreover, Bonn's precipitous diplomacy in the recognition of the breakaway Yugoslav states of Croatia and Slovenia betrays a willingness to permit Germany's allies to assume the less profitable burdens of hard security.  相似文献   

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