Legislative Oversight under the Nigerian Presidential System

Oversight function is a major component of the activities of modern legislatures irrespective of the form of government in practice. This study examines the extent to which the Nigerian legislature, characterised by infrequent appearances on the political scene and operating in an environment largely dominated by the executive arm, has performed its oversight role. The study, which is basically empirical, argues that the Nigerian legislature has been incapable of effectively performing its oversight role because, in addition to constraints like executive interference, crippling internal conflict, inexperience and high rate of members turnover hampering legislative efficiency, the legislature has compromised its role. However, occasional flashes of a measure of assertiveness by the legislature suggest that with effective mitigation of its internal problems its performance will improve as legislative culture deepens.     

Circumventing Legislative Committees: The US Senate

Committees have been established to improve legislation and make expert recommendations. However, many bills do not appear in committees, and how they reach the Senate floor varies in style and strategy. We develop and test expectations for when, as well as how, bills bypass Senate committee proceedings. The procedures legislators use to circumvent committees and what makes committee bypassing more probable are explored. The findings clearly demonstrate that bills introduced by ideologically extreme minority-party members are more likely to bypass committees. We also show a clear shift in the procedural choices senators make as the Senate becomes increasingly polarized. This article highlights the procedural choices members make, how these choices produce differing outcomes, and suggests evidence of positive agenda power for individual minority-party senators.     

State-based Representation and National Policymaking: The Evolution of the Australian Senate and the Federation

Ostensibly, Australia's constitutional framers designed the upper house as the ‘guardian of states' interests', ensuring that the smaller states were adequately represented in the federation. In recent decades the Senate has positively reinvented itself as a guardian of democracy, and is commonly known as the ‘house of review’. This study examines the changing representative role of senators and the Senate through surveys and interviews of current and former senators. The Senate has also become more of a guardian of the national interest, with proportional representation, larger constituencies and longer terms being the key institutional factors.     

Differences and Changes in Danish Party Organisations: Central Party Organisation versus Parliamentary Party Group Power

The subject of this article is the relationship between the central party organisation and the parliamentary party group. The article investigates whether Danish political parties are changing into parties dominated by their parliamentary party groups, as has been hypothesised. In contrast to most of the literature on party change, which is based on ideas of convergence caused by external changes, this article argues that party organisation is basically a party decision and therefore influenced by party preferences and characteristics. The analyses are based on data from the statutes of 16 Danish parties in over 50 years. One noteworthy finding is that Danish parties do not converge. Party ideology proves to be very important for the power structure of a party. Even though political parties are exposed to changing political circumstances they still organise according to their basic ideas about democracy and representation.     

论仲裁第三人

社会纠纷的复杂性导致多方当事人争议在仲裁实践中遭遇尴尬。仲裁协议相对性的现实障碍,催生了学者们对“仲裁第三人”制度的设想。作者首先澄清了理论界某些对“仲裁第三人”认识上的误区,总结并深刻评析了正反两个方面的观点,结合对国外立法和仲裁规则的解读,实证地分析了最高人民法院公布的典型案例,在此基础上进一步分析了仲裁制度的优越性并得出结论:仲裁中不宜设立第三人制度。     

从中国特色政党制度看共产党的先进性和执政的必然性

中国共产党的执政地位同社会基本矛盾运动及其规律有着本质的和必然的联系，中国共产党的执政地位的确立、巩固和发展具有客观性和规律性。从政党制度角度认识中国共产党的先进性和执政的必然性，对于进一步加强我国政党制度建设，加强党的执政能力和先进性建设，巩固执政地位，实现执政使命，具有重要意义。     

光船租赁情况下，有关船舶抵押权设立问题

本文就光船承租人设定船舶抵押权的效力 ,及光租合同下承租人的租货权与出租人设立的抵押权的关系等方面 ,论述了光租情况下 ,船舶抵押权设立。     

城市社区党组织建设探析

新中国成立以来,城市社区党组织建设历经探索、形成、发展、提升四个阶段。相较于其他类型基层党组织,城市社区党组织有其自身的特性。新时期,加强社区党组织建设是巩固城市之基的重要内容。应以党支部建设为基础,以加强对党员的教育、管理和监督为重点,以协商议事平台为载体,以共建共治共享为途径,持续提升城市社区党组织的政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力、社会号召力。     

论民事诉讼中的第三人

民事诉讼中的第三人,是我国民事诉讼法规定的一种重要的诉讼主体制度。第三人制度的立法目的主要是将几个有牵连的民事法律关系合并在一个诉讼中审理,便于法院全面查清案件事实、彻底解决纠纷,避免法院对同一或相互牵连的法律问题作出相互矛盾的裁判,同时也可以提高纠纷解决的效率。但,由于民事诉讼立法的不完善,理论上以及司法实践对第三人的认识产生了分歧。本文着重对有独立请求权第三人的参加之诉的提起与审理、参加诉讼的时间,无独立请求权第三人参加诉讼的法律依据及其在诉讼中的地位进行探讨。     

浅析民国初年的政党政治实践

政党政治是资产阶级共和国建立之初,国内政治发展的大势所趋.资产阶级民主革命派企图通过建立政党政治使中国走上近代西方式的议会民主之路.从1912年初到1914年1月袁世凯非法取缔国会的短短两年时间里,各种政党组织纵横捭阖,离合分化.但由于北洋军阀和旧式官僚等独立于政党政治实践之外的政治势力的干扰,以及从事政党政治实践的各党派缺乏必要的群众参与,加之成员自身政治素质低劣等内外因素,民国初年的政党实践最终以失败而告终.这证明,在这个充满数千年传统包袱又遭到近百年列强侵凌割据命运的东方大国里,西方式的政党政治无法顺利展开并解决中国的问题.此后中国数十年革命实践证明,哪个政党能够更成功地扎根于社会,更细致地把握社会的脉搏,宣传和动员起作为本党目标的物质基础,哪个政党就会取得最后的胜利.     

仲裁协议第三人刍议

其他国家关于仲裁第三人的立法多把进入仲裁后的第三人认定为当事人,我国仲裁法学界大多数学者则将其称为仲裁程序进行中的第三人,两种倾向均有偏颇。通过重新界定仲裁协议第三人这一主体的概念消除我国仲裁法学界因主体定位错误造成的目标主体与论据主体的冲突,揭示仲裁第三人制度的本质涵义,并定位仲裁协议第三人进入仲裁后的主体角色。     

Majority Party Power and Procedural Motions in the U.S. Senate

While the metaphor of House parties as cartels is widely accepted, its application to the Senate is difficult as the majority party lacks the power to unilaterally manipulate rules and pass legislation. Nevertheless, several scholars have argued that the Senate majority party is able to employ nondebatable motions to table to exclude unwanted amendments with procedural rather than substantive votes. Does the motion to table yield negative agenda control or special party influence? Using an analysis of individual Senators' behavior on thousands of votes and an assessment of interest group scores, we find that motions to table do not elicit higher party influence or provide much political cover. A desire to speed up the legislative process, rather than to insulate members from electoral scrutiny, seems to motivate the use of motions to table.     

论仲裁制度中的第三人

本文对仲裁程序中追加第三人以及合并仲裁的问题 ,结合国外有关立法及我国目前实践做法 ,进行了深入分析 ,论述了仲裁中追加第三人及合并仲裁的限制条件 ,并对《中国海事仲裁委员会仲裁规则》的修改提出了相应的建议。     

利于第三人合同研究

利于第三人合同分为非真正和真正两种,本文仅考察后者。利于第三人合同与代理制度、债权转让以及赠与等制度都存在根本区别。从罗马法到当代各国民法典及其他民事立法,利于第三人合同制度经历了从禁止到许可并不断完善的过程。该制度涉及到三方法律关系,此种复杂的三方法律关系还表现在抗辩和不当得利等复杂关系上。我国《合同法》第64条并没有规定真正利于第三人合同,应就此作出修订。     

我国无独立请求权第三人制度的改革与完善

我国无独立请求权第三人制度具体改革方案的设计以及相关配套措施的推进,应是引进大陆法系的从参加制度时,保障从参加人的诉讼权利,同时赋予从参加人一次性纠纷解决的选择权;而引进美国的第三方被告制度时,则需要为第三人提供更有力的保护措施。此外,还应增设交互诉讼制度,重新界定第三人的范围,将可以作为本诉共同被告的人从第三人中分离出去。     

民事诉讼中第三人利益保护系统论——以诉为中心

民事诉讼程序本身的特征于第三人利益而言变成了缺陷,审判程序的相对性和封闭性以及执行程序中审查的形式性成为损害第三人利益的先天性缺陷。民事诉讼制度在发展的过程中,通过第三人参加之诉、第三人撤销之诉和第三人异议之诉的设置,实现了第三人利益保护的系统化。     

论无独立请求权第三人制度的重构

随着社会主义市场经济体制在我国的逐步确立,以及公民主体意识的不断增强,各类民事纠纷大幅度增加,由此使得人民法院人少案多的矛盾渐趋突出。而根据自身特点,本应发挥更大作用以缓解上述矛盾的无独立请求权第三人制度,却反而暴露出其本身在法理基础、立法技术和司法实践中的诸多缺陷。对此,惟一的出路与选择便是对该制度进行完善,甚至是重构。通过深入研究该制度的立法体例和实践运行现状,进而剖析问题存在之根源,在辩证地梳理该制度价值取向和法理基础的前提下,提出综合改造构想。     

论仲裁程序中的第三人

随着商事交往的发展,仲裁第三人问题逐渐为人们所关注,并成为仲裁法研究中的一个热点。仿照诉讼第三人制度建立仲裁第三人制度的理论存在种种缺陷,应当从实体角度定义仲裁第三人,并从程序和实体两方面界定仲裁第三人的范围。     

民事诉讼当事人的自我责任

民事诉讼当事人的自我责任是指当事人应当对其诉讼行为所引起的法律后果承担责任。当事人的自我责任是构建现代民事诉讼制度的重要的程序法原理。自我责任主要通过为当事人设定行为负担而具体化。民事实体法的意思自治原则、裁判事实的建构性、对抗与判定的程序结构、当事人的理性选择、法院裁判的可接受性为自我责任提供了学理上的依据。强调对当事人的程序保障是现代民事诉讼的时代特色，只有在为当事人提供充分程序保障的前提下，让当事人承担自我责任才具有正当性。     

民初省议会失败原因概论

议会制度在中国的实验是一个重要的历史现象。省议会在中国的移植和实践未能取得成功,既有近代中国未能完成反 帝反封建任务的根本原因,也有未能处理好各种上下左右关系的操作层面的原因,十分复杂。