共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
Vicki Macknight 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2008,54(1):55-68
Far from being incidental, what is taught at primary school can reveal key beliefs about the world and its future held at a given period. I compare Victorian primary school curricula and reading resources of the 1930s and 1950s, attending particularly to references to war and cultural difference. I find that in the 1930s war was to be avoided by valuing cultural differences, whereas in the later decade the aim was effacement of difference through modernisation. I argue that this attitude to difference, combined with the imperialism and internationalism of the 1930s, engendered a moral form of identity in Victorian primary school children. In contrast, under the economic nationalism of the 1950s, children were taught to be good citizens taking little moral responsibility to those who were not Australian. 相似文献
4.
Sandra K. Penrose 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》1998,44(2):209-224
The attitude of the early Menzies Government towards the recognition of the People's Republic of China has not been well understood in the literature on Australia's international relations. The early Menzies regime has been taken by some scholars to be implacably opposed to communism, including Chinese communism, by others to have ceased to consider recognition because of the Korean War and by a third contingent to have been responsive to United States pressure not to recognise the Chinese communist government. A perusal of the foreign policy documents of the period of the first Menzies ministry reveals that both Menzies and Spender were giving favourable consideration to recognising the People's Republic of China during late 1950 and early 1951 and that none of these three views were decisive in preventing recognition. The question for Menzies and Spender was not whether to recognise but when to recognise and the actions of the Chinese communists themselves, in particular their attitude to British recognition, created the greatest impediment to recognition by Australia at that time. 相似文献
5.
Alexandre Queiroz Guimarães 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(4):527-542
From 1930 to 1960, Brazil adopted a pattern of economic policy marked by strong state intervention, high levels of protectionism, disregard of exports and a permissive treatment of inflation. These policies distorted the model of industrialisation and had a negative impact on the prospects for economic development. This article employs a historical institutionalist approach to investigate how the international context, the ideology of the policymakers, the role of the technocrats and the pressures of various social groups, especially the industrialists, influenced decisions on economic policy, contributing to the consolidation of the pattern described above. 相似文献
6.
PAUL HENDERSON 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1997,16(2):169-186
Abstract— In 1895 liberal forces, dedicated to the modernisation of their country's economic, social and political structures, came to power in Ecuador. The transformation was to be brought about on the basis of income from the profitable cocoa trade. Closely linked to the agro-mercantile élite of Guayaquil, the liberals embarked upon an ambitious programme of reform. By the early 1920s, however, their hopes had been shattered by the decline of the cocoa trade and the impact of the First World War. Heavily indebted to Guayaquil banks and facing mounting domestic opposition, the liberals were overthrown by the military in July 1925. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
10.
Philip Almond 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2003,49(3):412-424
This paper traces fluctuating attitudes to Islam and its Prophet, particularly in the eighteenth and nineteenth. Western perceptions, as revealed by writers of the period, encyclopaedias, biographies and commentaries, were sometimes sympathetic, sometimes dismissive; sometimes celebrating Islam's piousness; sometimes accusing it of fraud. Sometimes Islam is seen as benign; sometimes its violence is seen as endemic. Often the cultural biases of western observers are obvious: the west is progressive and historically dominant, the east (and its cultural accoutrements) is degenerate and over-zealous. But we ought not judge religions or cultures by their worst manifestations alone. Oriental societies were never just Islamic or traditional. They comprise not only those who perpetuate oppressive practices towards women but also modernizers who seek change. 相似文献
11.
Carl Levy 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2004,50(3):330-342
This article is part of a broader project on the social history or histories of anarchism. The standard accounts of anarchism (Nettlau, Joll, Woodcock, Marshall etc.) have been combinations of the histories of ideas and political/social movements. A larger project I am engaged in uses another methodology and is reliant upon the vast outpouring of published and unpublished academic writing on social history that has been produced since the 1960s. I will cover only several interconnected themes here: anarchism, internationalism and nationalism in Europe. This article will give a synoptic overview of the internationalism of the European anarchist and syndicalist movements during the “classical” period of anarchism (1860–1939). It focuses on the First and Second Internationals and the birth of the Third. It examines the ideology and culture of Internationalism, which was the nursery of the modern anarchist movement. The linkage between federalist and regionalist republicanism is stressed and the legacy of the Paris Commune of 1871 is highlighted. The desire to secure a global level playing field in labour markets promoted labour internationalism during the First International and a revival of this strategy by anarchists and syndicalists during the era of the Second International. The mismatch of industrial development and union density between industrialised Britain or Germany and artisanal and industrialising France and southern Europe limited internationalism in the 1860s and the 1900s. Equally the patriotic legacy of the Commune of Paris undermined the internationalism of anarchists and syndicalists when war broke out in 1914. In 1917–1918 anarchist and syndicalist internationalism seemed to be revived as Europe entered a period of revolutionary discontent. But very quickly the Bolsheviks and the Soviet Union channelled this wave into the Third International and ultimately the interests of the newly born Soviet State. Anarchist and syndicalist internationalism had little effect on the fortunes of the anarchists in the Spanish Civil War in a world of nation‐states and state‐centric political parties and movements. 相似文献
12.
Adrian J. Pearce 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2001,20(2):233-260
British trade with colonial Spanish America was largely contraband, and detailed statistical data describing its value and character are notoriously scarce. This article presents what is very probably the only detailed survey of a major branch of the trade which exists for any period, describing the trade of the British colonies in the Caribbean and North America in the years 1788–1795. Data are given both for tonnage of shipping and for type and value of commodities traded, with particular focus on the import trade. The work is based on a unique statistical series recently discovered in the Public Record Office, London. 相似文献
13.
Australian‐Asian Sociability,Student Activism,and the University Challenge to White Australia in the 1950s
下载免费PDF全文

During the 1950s, staff, students and graduates of Australian universities were increasingly critical of the racial restrictions on immigration, and their activism contributed to a broader government and community reassessment of the White Australia Policy. Personal experiences of cross‐cultural interactions between Australian students and an increasing number of international students from Asia, including those sponsored by the Australian government's Colombo Plan, underpinned the university challenge to immigration policy. Tertiary curriculum offering new academic interpretations of Asian history and decolonisation also contributed to a growing awareness among university‐educated Australians of Asia, and fostered empathy for its peoples. The publications of the Immigration Reform Group extended this critique of White Australia, and were driven by a moral indignation towards a policy that affected individuals personally known to the critics. 相似文献
14.
Christian Brannstrom 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(3):288-310
Logging economies in Latin America have long supplied forest resources to international and domestic markets. One of Latin America's more significant timber regions supplied South America's largest industrial metropolis, São Paulo. However, relatively little is known about the historical geography of logging in Brazil, or elsewhere in Latin America, in part because of the bias of forest histories to the destruction, rather than utilisation, of forest resources. This study focuses on domestic demand for hardwood and its salient characteristics: transport, the distribution of sawmills, the use of contracts and dangerous working conditions. 相似文献
15.
CARLOS NEWLAND 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1998,17(3):409-416
Abstract — This research note analyses the evolution of the Argentine external sector between 1811 and 1870. New series of exports and terms of trade are presented. These show the vulnerability of the economy to external and internal shocks, but also the continuous growth of total exports and per capita exports along the period. 相似文献
16.
17.
18.
This article uses data from the British Election Study series since 1974 and qualitative data from interviews with key party personnel to investigate the social and political basis of Liberal support in Britain. There are three main sections to the article: the first deals with the social and demographic profile of the Liberal vote, while the second examines the political characteristics of its supporters. In the final section these findings are used to assess the Liberal Democrats' electoral strategy at the 2001 General Election and beyond. We find that Liberals tend to be drawn from a similar social background to Conservative supporters (particularly in term of class), but politically there has been an increasingly close relationship between the Liberal Democrats and the Labour Party. 相似文献
19.
LEWIS TAYLOR 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1998,17(1):35-58
Abstract— This paper examines the main trends occurring in the counter-insurgency campaign waged since 1980 by the Peruvian state against the Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso. The argument is structured around the counter-insurgency model advocated by Robert Thompson, which is employed to illustrate how and why the Peruvian state was losing the civil war in the 1980s and has registered a far greater degree of success in the 1990s. 相似文献