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呼德呼德——菲律宾伊富高人的口头非物质文化遗产 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文探讨的是菲律宾伊富高民族的口头叙事文化"呼德呼德".《呼德呼德》在东南亚地区第一个入选联合国《人类口头与非物质文化遗产代表作名录》,作为人类文化多样性的代表,它有着重要的学术价值和文化意义.本文首先介绍了"呼德呼德"和伊富高人,梳理了国际学术界相关研究的学术史;接着探讨了"呼德呼德"的概念及其在生产生活中的社会功能、具体的表演形式等;最后论述了"呼德呼德"面对现代文明冲击所处的困境,以及国际组织和菲律宾政府展开的文化保护行动. 相似文献
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Bruce Baker 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2019,37(2-3):208-224
ABSTRACTThis article reports the findings of field research into the vernacular understanding of security in South West Cameroon. It was found that security significantly contested; it is both objective and subjective; it is communal, whilst at the same time requiring individual l responsibility of personal security; it favours certainty and stability; it draws on a multiplicity of providers, and it goes beyond traditional conceptualisations. The findings make it clear that there are wide divergences between the typical state and donor driven security reform programmes, and people’s perceived security needs. The definition of security is challenged by popular understandings. In addition, though not rejecting the need for state security, it is evident that many more actors are engaged in security provision and personal safety than state actors, and that these actors need to be accounted for in reform programmes. Conclusion draw out advantages of the vernacular approach in security reform programmes. 相似文献
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论"东盟经济共同体": 必然性、可行性与挑战 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文主要从三个方面对"东盟经济共同体"构想进行分析,认为首先应了解"东盟经济共同体"是一个必然的趋势和必须的选择;而东盟合作机制的完善和区域经济一体化的加速则为"东盟经济共同体"提供了可行基础.但同时,东盟各成员国经济发展水平及贸易开放程度的差异、经济上较高的竞争性以及"东盟方式"也对其形成了一些挑战.因此,东盟最终会建成一个经济共同体,只是过程比较曲折. 相似文献
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Jamie Elizabeth Jacobs 《拉美政治与社会》2002,44(4):59-88
Grassroots environmental activism among Latin America's poor has altered the debate over environmental policy, social welfare, and citizenship. Yet the question remains whether this social mobilization of the poor is part of a larger trend toward broader environmental concerns and democratic political participation, or a shortlived movement susceptible to the same pressures that have dissolved community mobilization in the past. This article compares Brazil with other Latin American and European countries in surveys of environmental awareness, concerns, and reported behavior. It finds that Brazilians residing in the urban periphery link their own local environmental concerns to more global considerations, and that concern for and activism on environmental issues is positively related to wider community involvement. 相似文献
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《中东研究》2012,48(5):732-749
Based on fieldwork in the Bethlehem area, this article uses the issue of internal land disputes as a starting point to describe a series of developments that have served to weaken the Christian communities in Palestine, and to identify some dilemmas they face, as Palestinians and as members of a minority community in Palestine. The article describes a situation where a weak and dysfunctional legal system under the Palestinian Authority (PA) has left Palestinians dependent on family and community networks for security and protection. Due to a history of emigration, combined with distinct social and demographic characteristics, Christian Palestinians find themselves in a position of structural vulnerability, subject to land theft and other criminal violation. Cautious about igniting sectarian divisions, Christian community leaders have a hard time addressing these issues within a public discourse. Fearful of harming Palestinian national interests, they are also reluctant to utilize international contacts and seek external support to secure their own rights and interests in Palestine. The article argues that this reflects both a commitment to an ethos of national unity among Christian Palestinians, and an acute awareness of the impact of ‘framing’ in preserving sectarian harmony. 相似文献
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印尼在1998年以后进入民主转型时期,新的政治社会环境使华人社会全面焕发了生机和活力,但仍存在问题和隐忧。印尼华人社会的未来,既取决于印尼政府更积极的华人政策和公平公正的法律制度,也取决于华人自身的努力及其融入印尼社会的路径选择。 相似文献
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Paul D. Williams 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2008,26(2):119-136
This special issue explores how one particular regional organisation, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has defined certain transnational issues as security threats and how it has addressed them. In this introductory article, we begin by providing an overview and analysis of some of the most important transnational security challenges facing West Africa. Specifically, we discuss some of the problems raised by cross-border insurgencies, health challenges, organised criminal activities, terrorism and environmental degradation. We then examine the different levels at which actors have responded to these challenges. The section ‘Security culture: shaping the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) response?’ sets out our approach to thinking about the concept of security culture and asks whether it might be relevant to understanding how and why ECOWAS has focused on responding to certain transnational security challenges and not to others. The final section provides an overview of the other articles in this issue. 相似文献
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建立东亚共同体是近年来东亚各国热衷的话题,但对东亚共同体的性质、建设的途径等并没有形成一致的认识.日本官方对东亚共同体的性质及建设途径等有着相对确定的认识,并根据这一认识采取了相应的行为.本文主要对这两方面进行了扼要的介绍,并作了简短的评述. 相似文献
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伴随东亚一体化的进展,东亚各国对于东亚一体化主导权的争夺非常激烈。近年来,在东亚地区的经济增长之下,东亚共同体构想开始提上日程。对于东亚共同体的建设,东亚各国都各有其构想及自我定位。本文分析了中国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及面,临的现实挑战,梳理了由史至今日本整合东亚的历史及其失败影响,分析了韩国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及现实局限。在缺乏强有力的推动力量下,东亚一体化的未来仍应该以东盟为核心,以"10+3"机制为推动力量,以开放性原则推进东亚共同体的建设。 相似文献
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东亚共同体:构想与进程 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3
“东亚共同体”作为一种东亚地区整合的构想,它的雏形可以追溯到20世纪90年代的“马哈蒂尔倡议”。亚洲金融危机爆发后,东盟 3合作机制启动,东亚地区合作蓬勃兴起。《东亚展望小组报告》和《东亚研究小组最终报告》系统规划了“东亚共同体”建设的蓝图,日本也提出了自己的设想,马来西亚则是“东亚共同体”构想和进程的持续推动者。 相似文献
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中国和印度同为发展中国家,近年来迅速崛起受到世界关注,但由于战略和认知差异、边界问题、巴基斯坦问题以及域外大国的干扰等因素的影响,两国关系不断下滑。印度借助自身实力的增长和美国印太战略实施,不断挑起与邻国的矛盾,特别是加大力度与中国竞争,与其他国家一起制衡中国。在此背景下,中印命运共同体建设将面临巨大的困境和挑战。同时,中印在命运共同体构建过程中也存在认知偏差和单向构建的问题。不解决这些问题,中印要构建命运共同体将十分困难。近期,边界问题仍然是双方误解和矛盾加深的爆发点,也是中印命运共同体构建的难点,这使得中印的博弈还会继续。但由于中印合作对双方、地区乃至世界影响巨大,和平共处、共同发展符合双方的共同利益。从博弈论中的懦夫博弈和重复博弈视角来看,博弈的策略会影响彼此的行为和偏好,而目前双方有避免热战的共同点,也有加强非传统安全领域的合作空间,未来双方构建命运共同体仍然存在可能性。中印双方应把握机遇,相互调整行为与偏好,不断增加构建命运共同体的正能量,以促进互利共赢、共同发展。 相似文献
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Najib Ghadbian 《中东政策》2021,28(1):51-69
This article analyzes the problematics of the international community's response to the Syrian refugee crisis: patterns of displacement, including the lack of attention to basic needs, the limited economic opportunities in host countries, the conditions facing Syrian refugee children, the risk involved in migration, and the challenge of adapting to host societies. The article then elucidates the series of failures of the international community to address the causes of this displacement, despite efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions to alleviate suffering. It traces the humanitarian mismanagement to political divisions in the international community, including the failure of Arab states, the Iranian intervention, and the role of the United Nations, Russia and the United States in aggravating the displacement. The article provides policy recommendations for international actors in order to honor their commitments to hosting refugees and addresses the political requirements for a lasting solution. 相似文献