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As international trade is vital to Thailand’s economy, the implementation of trade policy has always been at the center of the country’s public administration. Apart from the analysis of the macro-determinants of trade policy formulation, the factors affecting trade policy at a micro level is also equally important. This paper looks at factors influencing individuals’ perception of international trade policy. It uses questionnaire data, collected from Bangkok residents in 2017. The binary, logit and probit, models with marginal effects are employed for the estimation. The results indicate the significance of variables representing individuals’ knowledge and understanding of international trade policy as well as variables relating to individuals’ exposure to the new environment. The government, therefore, should make sure that accurate information is widely disseminated and reaches all stakeholders. People’s better understanding of trade policy should allow policy administration to be more efficient, producing maximum benefits for the country and its people.  相似文献   

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This essay uses time‐series data on cocoa plantings in Western Nigeria to re‐examine some popular conclusions about the price responsiveness of farmers in underdeveloped economies. Annual variations in the rate of planting were found to be more closely related to farmers’ income from cocoa sales than to current price. Qualitative evidence suggests that longer‐term trends in cocoa plantings were also influenced by changing opportunity costs and by the institutional structure of rural factor markets. These results cast some doubt on commonly accepted capital stock adjustment models of investment in tree crops, which assume that farmers rely heavily on forecasting future price trends when deciding how much to plant. Given the uncertainty of future crop prices, it seems more likely that farmers plant more trees when they can afford to do so, so long as opportunity costs are not prohibitive.  相似文献   

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《国际展望》2010,(2):156-172
<正>With the approaching of Sudan's very first election in nearly two decades in April 2010,Sudan,the biggest country in Africa and also the country that faced most complicated development environment both domestically and internationally,is once again becoming the focus of the world.And the ongoing conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan,about one fifth of the total area and with more than 17%of total population,plus the controversy policy taken by the Sudan government as well as China's growing economic engagement in the country,particularly in the energy field,has put China's Africa policy in the spot light.Since China and Sudan have had a long tradition of friendship and close political and economic ties,there has been an unreasonable high expectation from the international community that China alone can influence the position of the Sudanese government on this sensitive matter.The international controversy over Darfur has brought a fundamental challenge to China's long-held foreign policy of 'non-interference'.The author argued in the paper,the principle ofnon-interferenceshould not be interpreted as non willingness to take theresponsibility to protect.As a matter of fact,in recent years,China's Darfur policy has shown more and more flexibility and thenon-interferencepolicy itself is also undergoing changes.Given the complexity of the Darfur issue and the volatile North/South relation in Sudan,theengagement approachendorsed and pushed by China is more constructive thansanction initiativefor maintaining the stability and peace in Sudan.  相似文献   

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Katja Ruutu 《欧亚研究》2017,69(8):1153-1162
Abstract

Vladimir Putin’s long period in power has so far raised scant discussion about the political concepts that underpin real state and societal unity, and especially about the domestic political implications of these concepts. Despite this, key concepts of his political regime, such as ‘sovereignty’ and ‘sovereign democracy’, have frequently been used in Russian political discourse. This essay examines the way the current Russian administration has used concepts that stress strong societal unity, and the creation of a stable state and societal unity to support the development of real functioning dynamics in the society. It charts the shift from ‘sovereign democracy’ to ‘sovereignty’ around 2011–2012 as a key discursive concept in moving towards a more isolationist international stand and consolidating Putin’s power by emphasising Russia’s unique political tradition, which requires a strong leader as the basis of national unity and to ensure Russian sovereignty.  相似文献   

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David G. Lewis 《欧亚研究》2018,70(10):1612-1637
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Russian foreign policy thinkers have used a succession of geopolitical imaginaries to articulate a Russian role and identity in the post-Cold War era. This essay analyses one such spatial project, the idea of ‘Greater Eurasia’, which imagines a new geopolitical geometry centred on Sino–Russian cooperation. The ‘Greater Eurasia’ discourse provides a new role for Russia in international affairs but also makes far-reaching claims about the nature of the emerging, post-liberal world order. The essay concludes with an analysis of the main challenges to the ‘Greater Eurasia’ project.  相似文献   

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The sociopolitical role of social networks in public decision-making is far from fully understood. Their fast-pace and elusive nature makes the situation fluid and therefore susceptible to rushed theorization. The emerging dominant view is that social networks increase mass political polarization. A new view proposes that social networks increase harmony and tolerance. By examining the role of social networks in the policy response to Ebola in the United States, this paper suggests that social networks play a dual role: increasing polarization around politically divisive issues and promoting tolerance regarding less contentious issues. The paper also expanded the definition of social networks to include online discussions forums. Using the public choice theory and its rational model as a frame of reference, the study focused on six online forums during the peak of Ebola scare, October 2014 through January 2015.  相似文献   

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Johannesburg’s mining land has defined the city’s geography, yet remains unevenly developed and liminal in urban policy. Rather than a planning failure, I argue this is a product of state-sanctioned corporate hegemony over mining land. Through the case of Johannesburg’s biggest mining-turned-property company, the paper problematises binaries of ‘state’ and ‘market’ by drawing out the deeply historical, spatialised, political and always-more-than-human vicissitudes of this mining-urban regime. These include the mapping and unmapping that render mining land terra incognita to the state while shoring up corporate power; the multiple visions and contestations over what is to be done with the land, and finally, how different and contingent temporalities shape and limit those visions in practise.  相似文献   

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This article looks at the application, in the anti-corruption realm, of the analytical framework developed for transnational human rights advocacy by Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink. Focusing on Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, this article shows that the level of integration with Western actors on the state and corporate levels determined the degree to which the transnational anti-corruption regime has been accepted in the Caspian region. As the transnational regime does ultimately lack coercive powers, the tension between transnational demands and national political elites does not translate into serious conflict, as a broader formal acceptance of the transnational anti-corruption regime offers national actors only limited opportunities to genuinely promote the issue.  相似文献   

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Prominent postcolonial thinker Partha Chatterjee's concept of political society is an important one in understanding the vast domain of politics in the ‘Third World’ which falls outside hegemonic Western notions of the state and civil society. This domain, which is often marked by the stamp of illegality, nevertheless contributes to the immense democratic churning that characterises much of the ‘Third World’. However, this paper argues that the series of binaries set up by Chatterjee, like modernity/democracy, civil society/political society and the privileging of the latter half of the binary is ultimately counterproductive to the goal of democratisation. Based on empirical research on the People's Plan Campaign in Kerala, one of the most extensive democratic decentralisation programmes in the world, it will argue that the extension of popular sovereignty requires that we go beyond political society. The failures and prospects of the Plan and the struggles around it demonstrate clearly the breakdown of the binary.  相似文献   

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La publication de récits de vie de marginaux par des chercheurs occidentaux offre un point d'entrée intéressant dans le discours sur l'Afrique. Cet article démontre que les deux récits de vie publiés par John Chernoff, Hustling is not Stealing et Exchange is not Robbery,mettant en scène une jeune prostituée du Burkina Faso et l'ouvrage d'Adama Dramé et Arlette Senn-Borloz, Jéliya: être griot et musicien aujourd'hui, autour de la vie marginale d'un griot, tout en ravivant la soif de connaissance occidentale sur l'Afrique, offrent un contraste frappant dans la présentation de leur projet d'écriture et dans la question du pacte auctorial. Je montre que la démarche de Dramé et Senn-Borloz présente en définitive un modèle réussi de ce que l'on a appelé "l'autobiographie en collaboration," à la suite de Philippe Lejeune.  相似文献   

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Martin Ferry 《欧亚研究》2013,65(8):1578-1598
In 2010, Poland launched a new national strategy for regional development which is seen as an assertion of Poland's domestic regional development vision, informed by, but distinct from, EU cohesion policy which has dominated Polish regional policy since accession. A key question is whether a new model of policy implementation is emerging. The strategy includes a commitment to a place-based regional policy model. This implies spatially sensitive policy implementation capable of mobilising the potentials of all territories. However, the concept is vague. Moreover, in Poland this agenda is being launched in a context of entrenched territorial disparities, traditionally constrained policy implementation capacity and institutional change. What are the defining characteristics of place-based implementation systems? What are the challenges to the institutionalisation of the place-based model? Are these evident in delivery frameworks being developed in Poland?  相似文献   

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Korean small businesses have come a long way as sources of industrial power more important than heretofore credited. The nation's undemocratic dirigisme had largely slighted small businesses to the country's disadvantage. Although the government's policy bias against them started to change in the early 1980s, its support of them remained less than fully-fledged. Despite tough socio-economic conditions, however, both the first and second generation small entrepreneurs have strived to prove their self-worth as viable business enterprises and constantly—and increasingly over time—contributed to the incremental improvement of the economy. By shedding light on the little-known motivations, perceptions, and performances of the small business people, this article offers a more balanced and nuanced account of the past and present state of small businesses in the country, which provides a tentative basis for considering alternative vision for future development.  相似文献   

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The government of Malaysia, an early and enthusiastic supporter of the concept of privatization of public services, can also be considered as being highly supportive of more recent strategies such as “public–private partnerships” (PPPs) in the delivery of social services. It established a Public–Private Partnership Unit (UKAS) in 2011. This discussion of Malaysia’s experience with health care PPPs is based on a literature review. The record is mixed, with successes and failures. Critical factors for success include regulation, transparency, clear policy guidance and clarity on operational procedures and responsibilities, proper evaluation mechanisms, sustained financial support, especially for NGO partners, and unwavering commitment from policy-makers.  相似文献   

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