White Collar Crime: Re-examination of a concept

Originally presented at a plenary session of the Eastern Sociology Association, Philadelphia, April, 1973.     

美国国会与白宫在伊拉克问题上的较量

自从2007年1月民主党全面主导美国国会以来,美国国府会之间的关系持续恶化,双方在伊拉克问题上的矛盾不断激化。国会与白宫在伊拉克问题上的斗争态势2007年3月23日,美国众议院以218票对212票通过了一项包含要求政府在2008年8月31日前撤出驻伊美     

A Research Note on the Cost of Not Being White in Brazil

This research note revisits the theme of “the cost of not being white in Brazil.” Based on 1996 National Household Survey (PNAD) data, the results point out to still sizeable and significant monetary disadvantages suffered by nonwhites in the Brazilian labor market. It is estimated that about 18 percent of the white-nonwhite income gap can be attributed to differential rates of return to human capital investments and to other individual characteristics between the race/color groups. Nelson do Valle Silva is Researcher at Laboratorio Nacional de Computacao Cientifica and Professor at Instituto Universitario de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro. His most recent books areMobilidade Social no Brasil, Sao Paulo: Makron Books, 1999 (with J. Pastore) andCor e Estratificacao Social no Brasil Rio: Contracapa, 1999 (with C. Hasenbalg and M. Lima). He received his Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Michigan.     

Semi-Autonomous Revenue Authorities in Sub-Saharan Africa: Silver Bullet or White Elephant

A major component of tax administration reform in sub-Saharan Africa for the last 30 years has been the creation of semi-autonomous revenue authorities (SARAs). The effects of their creation on revenue performance have been much debated, although there are only a few quantitative studies. The core argument of this paper is that existing research suggesting diverse and contradictory outcomes has not taken account of trends in revenue performance in the years before the establishment of SARAs. Allowing for this revenue history our analysis, based on 46 countries over the period 1980–2015, provides no robust evidence that SARAs induce an increase in revenue performance. This does not imply that SARAs may not provide benefits for tax collection, but they do not demonstrably increase (or decrease) revenue collected.     

White innocence in the Black Mediterranean: hospitality and the erasure of history

Themes of loss, grief, and vulnerability have come to occupy an increasingly central position in contemporary poststructuralist and feminist theory. Thinkers such as Judith Butler and Stephen White have argued that grief has the capacity to access or stage a commonality that eludes politics and on which a new cosmopolitan ethics can be built. Focusing on the role of grief in recent pro-refugee activism in Europe, this article argues that these ethical perspectives contribute to an ideological formation that disconnects connected histories and that turns questions of responsibility, guilt, restitution, repentance, and structural reform into matters of empathy, generosity, and hospitality. The result is a veil of ignorance which, while not precisely Rawlsian, allows the European subject to re-constitute itself as ‘ethical’ and ‘good’, innocent of its imperialist histories and present complicities.     

布什这八年

时光匆匆,布什总统在白宫的日子已进入倒计时,人们开始盘点他留给美国、留给世界的政治遗产。小布什将是美国历史上颇具争议的一位总统。当被问到感到最失望的事时,他也毫无掩饰地说,自己可能成为美国历史上最不受欢迎的总统之一。     

Red Patriots against White Patriots: Contesting Patriotism in the Civil War in North Russia

Abstract

This article uses the example of Arkhangel’sk province in North Russia to examine how the two main parties in the Russian Civil War—the Bolsheviks and the White armies—used elements of nationalism and xenophobia to delegitimise their enemies. It reveals the evolution of patriotic rhetoric, first used by the Whites to discredit the Bolsheviks as German agents, and then by the Reds to delegitimise the Whites as agents of the Entente. In the 1920s anti-Allied sentiments became the main trope in the memory of the civil war both among émigrés and in the Soviet North.     

The White Gold: The Role of Government and State in Rehabilitating the Sugar Industry in Mozambique

This article examines the rehabilitation of the sugar industry in Mozambique after the General Peace Accord in 1992, engaging primarily and critically with certain aspects of the business-state literature. It explains why the sugar sector was rehabilitated from the perspectives of Mozambican state, government and industry actors. The article argues that support for the industry cannot be identified in singular and one-dimensional terms, but must include a variety of attributes of support that emerged from a post-independence fusion of industry, state and government officials' historical experiences of success and failure in the industry, and pragmatic as well as longer-term ideological stances. This, it is argued, created a ‘mediating bureaucracy’ that could broker between the diverse interests and aspirations of state/government and industry.     

The Blue (White and Red) Orchestra: a soundtrack for the country that never was

The aim of the paper is to go beyond the commonly accepted view of Sarajevo’s Plavi orkestar (The Blue Orchestra) as the 1980s “teen pop-rock sensation” and illuminate the less conspicuous, but nevertheless crucial, political dimension of the band’s music and visual aesthetics. This will be done by discussing several “pieces of the puzzle” essential to understanding the background to and motivations behind Plavi orkestar’s political engagement in the second half of the 1980s: (1) the “Sarajevo factor;” (2) the Sarajevo Pop-rock School and the New Primitives “poetics of the local;” (3) the generational Yugoslavism; (4) the New Partisans “poetics of the patriotic;” and (5) the post-New Partisans “hippie ethos.” The concluding section of the paper will reflect on Plavi orkestar’s resurgence in 1998 and explore the question of the band’s continuing resonance within the post-Yugoslav and post-socialist contexts. An argument underlying the discussion of all of these elements is that Plavi orkestar’s Yugoslavism of the 1980s is best understood as a soundtrack for the country that never was (i.e. a popular-cultural expression of what, from the viewpoint of a particular generational cohort and its location in the “Yugoslav socialist universe,” the community they thought of as their own ought to have been but never really was), and that the current value of this soundtrack lies in offering not only a particular window into the pre-post-socialist past but also in being a symbolic referent for a certain kind of retrospective utopia that gauges the realities of the post-socialist – that is, neo-liberal capitalist – present and, in so doing, figures as a “normative compass” for the life of dignified existence.     

秣马厉兵、剑指白宫——漫话希拉里竞选美国总统

尽管美国总统大选的到来还有两年多的时间,希拉里迄今亦未正式宣布参加2008年总统竞选,但是随着¨月中期选举的到来,"美国即将诞生历史上第一位女总统"的话题,正在快速升温.