突尼斯妇女地位的变化

妇女问题在突尼斯社会政治生活中占有非同寻常的位置。可以说，妇女地位是突尼斯社会现代化发展的一个标志。在过去，由于受伊斯兰教法的影响，突尼斯妇女地位十分低下。《古兰经》和“圣训”的永恒性和沙里亚法的权威性是突尼斯社会政治、经济、法律和社会习俗长期延续的根本原因，也是突尼斯妇女地位难以改变的重要原因。在婚姻上，女子没有自主权，婚姻是父母之命、媒妁之言，她们也无离婚权。多妻制和休妻制使突尼斯妇女生活在痛苦之中，深闺制使妇女处于与世隔绝的状态。     

突尼斯政治体制变革中的意识形态冲突

“阿拉伯之春”激烈震荡中东格局,各国所受波及影响不一,其中突尼斯可以算是较为成功的转型国家之一,取得了通过新宪法、组建新政府、世俗派执政等政绩.但是突尼斯仍未能解决一直困扰的经济和社会问题,而且面临恐怖主义挑战,国家安全受到严重威胁.影响突尼斯政治转型的因素包括政治、经济、社会、宗教以及国际和地区环境等诸多方面,本文拟以意识形态冲突为主线,回顾突尼斯“茉莉花革命”后意识形态矛盾发生的背景,梳理突政治进程中意识形态冲突的表现及其对国家稳定和改革所产生的不利影响,希望能为突尼斯问题提供一个新的研究视角.     

突尼斯妇女解放运动

突尼斯是北非的一个阿拉伯国家。面积16.4万平方公里。人口820万。当你走在首都突尼斯的布尔吉巴大道上,望着你身边来往的一个个身着国际流行时装,脸上充满自信、自尊、自强神采的突尼斯妇女时,你很难把她们与想象中的身着黑袍、头蒙面纱、只露出两只惴惴不安的眼睛的阿拉伯妇女相提并论。她们这种从衣着到精神上的跨跃并不是一朝一夕轻而易举得来的。     

海湾妇女：历史、现状与未来

历史上海湾妇女在社会、政治、经济等方面地位低下。自20世纪50年代以来，由于政府倡导及社会经济发展等原因，海湾妇女的社会地位有了很大提高，经济独立性增强，也取得了一定的政治权利。虽然受伊斯兰传统影响，海湾妇女状况仍存在诸多问题，如妇女就业仍受限制，享有的经济、政治权利仍不容乐观，但展望未来，相信跨入新世纪的海湾妇女必将展示出新的风采。     

“革命者的失望”与“革命联盟”内部分裂

2011年以来,席卷西亚北非的“阿拉伯之春”运动对埃及和突尼斯产生了重大的政治和社会影响。在该运动产生的各种研究议题中,参与过此次运动的民众对于该运动的评估是其中的一个重要问题。作者以“革命者的失望”为视角对此议题进行了探讨,认为“革命者的失望”这一变量反映了“革命联盟”在胜利后的分裂进程,是转型阶段中各种政治力量权力斗争、经济冲突与理念冲突的体现。以上三种类型的冲突可操作化为民主支持度、经济地位和政治伊斯兰等三个变量,并根据“阿拉伯民主晴雨表”的数据,对以上变量与“革命者的失望”的关系进行分析。通过分析发现在突尼斯和埃及两国都出现了先前运动参与者对此运动发展的失望问题,不过,具体影响失望的变量在两国有所不同。在民主支持度上,虽然埃及和突尼斯民主支持度对参与者的失望都有着显著的影响,但是其方向完全相反。在经济地位上,突尼斯呈现出了显著的影响,但是埃及却没有出现显著的影响。在政治伊斯兰问题上,作者创新性地将政治伊斯兰分成政策伊斯兰、政党伊斯兰和政权伊斯兰等三个维度,并且发现三个维度的政治伊斯兰在埃及和突尼斯两国呈现的影响并不相同,反映了政治伊斯兰与“革命者失望”之间的微妙复杂联系。     

“突尼斯投资论坛”将办

由突尼斯外国投资促进会与联合国工业发展组织(UNIDO)联合举办的"突尼斯投资论坛暨招商洽谈会"将于今年6月10日至11日在突尼斯举行。此次招商洽谈会将为来自北美、亚洲的投资者介绍突尼斯的投资环境与政策,并将在汽车零配件、电气产品、电子零配件、包装以及纺织领域内展开广泛的洽谈与合作。有关突尼斯国家概况和     

美国的“伊斯兰恐惧症”探析

特朗普及其团队的系列反穆斯林言行,反映了美国社会中根深蒂固的"伊斯兰恐惧症"。其在美国主要表现为四点:一是公开否定和敌视伊斯兰教,将之与极端主义挂钩;二是公开歧视、孤立甚至攻击穆斯林;三是对伊斯兰文化传播及穆斯林人口增长的忧虑和排斥;四是在外交方面对伊斯兰国家及穆斯林群体的歧视和攻击。"伊斯兰恐惧症"在美国并非新现象,其产生和盛行有复杂的原因,包括历史、制度、社会和直接原因等。"伊斯兰恐惧症"的蔓延对美国国内团结、社会稳定及对外政策都产生了消极影响。     

乌克兰危机中的价值观冲突

2014年的乌克兰危机发端于是否与欧盟签署联系国地位协定,表面上是各派政治力量在国家发展道路上的分歧,但实质上代表着冷战后不同价值观在乌克兰的一次剧烈冲突。本文认为,价值观是影响人们对国家社会发展的观点和看法,因此乌克兰危机是价值观冲突的结果。导致价值观冲突的原因主要有三个方面:社会主体利益分化是其社会基础;西方文明与传统斯拉夫文明认同差异是其文化基础;西方的普世价值观与俄罗斯的保守主义价值观竞争是其政治基础。乌克兰危机反映出构建核心价值观对于政治稳定的重要性。外部大国正是利用乌克兰多元混乱的价值观矛盾,将危机作为地缘政治博弈的工具,最终导致国家政权更迭和族群分裂的悲惨下场。     

新加坡妇女地位及变化中的家庭价值观

在新加坡现代社会中,妇女享有比较平等的社会地位。享有选举权、财产支配权。在公共部门与男职工同工同酬。在中、小学女生占50％,在大学占44.1％。妇女就业人数占全国总就业人数的30.2％,就业率比许多发达国家还要高。新加坡妇女较高的社会地位是与妇女较高的就业率和受教育率分不开的。本文将说明两个方面的问题:(1)妇女就业和受教育对家庭内部结构的影响,特别是对家庭决策格局的影响;(2)妇女就业和受教育对她们的自我评价——她们对自己应起什么社会作用,特别是在生育、家庭与事业发生冲突时应取何种态度——的影响。     

从性别视角看拉美国家的社会保护

对社会保护的界定不能仅仅停留在"保险"和"救济"的认识上,它应该是一个比社会保障更为宽泛的概念。从性别角度来看,由于缺乏公平的经济和社会机会,妇女受到的社会保护明显少于男性。强化社会保护政策是推动两性平等、提高妇女经济和社会地位、增强妇女抵抗风险能力的重要手段。通过教育和就业改善女性人力资本、弥补养老体系的制度缺陷、发展非缴费型的社保制度、帮助妇女处理好就业与家庭责任之间的关系,是拉美国家在完善社会保护体系时应着重考虑的问题。     

The Challenge of Talking about Terrorism: The EU and the Arab Debate on the Causes of Islamist Terrorism 1

The Arab “hegemonic debate” on the causes of Islamist terrorism nurtures (pan-) Arab, anti-Western sentiments and delegitimizes criticism of the political status quo. The European Union's emphasis on multilateral means of conflict resolution and trade promotion leads to official pronouncements that barely address the Arab world's domestic problems, instead referring to international tensions such as the Arab-Israeli conflict as a particular cause of Islamist terrorism and the need for cooperation with Arab governments. By failing to challenge the official narratives of authoritarian Arab regimes the EU obstructs interests in the democratization of the region and the delegitimization of Islamist violence.     

试论土耳其伊斯兰复兴对女权运动的影响

伊斯兰复兴是当代土耳其社会的突出现象,伊斯兰主义者通过废除头巾禁令的过程,为妇女争取更多自由选择的权利;伊斯兰政党通过动员妇女参与政党政治和民主选举,为她们赢得更大的话语空间;伊斯兰非政府组织通过关注妇女面临的各种社会问题,拓展女权运动的范围。伊斯兰复兴作为现代化进程的伴生物,在一定程度上促进了女性权利意识的觉醒,因而在客观上促进了土耳其女权运动的发展。     

Rethinking the Tunisian miracle: a party politics view

Five years on from the Tunisian revolution, Tunisia stands as the sole success story of the Arab Spring. The country since then has managed to adopt a pluralist and democratic constitution, and held three free and fair elections. Accordingly, in the eyes of several observers, Tunisia is now in the process of consolidating its new democracy. However, the reality on the ground seems much gloomier, as most recent opinion surveys suggest that there is a significant degree of dissatisfaction, not only with political parties and Parliament but also with the very institution of democracy. Nevertheless, what accounts for this change? After the collapse of the long-lasting and oppressive Ben Ali regime, how, just in five years, has Tunisians’ confidence in the democratic process changed? This article accounts for this state of affairs from a party politics view, arguing that political parties, which are the main protagonists of the consolidation process, fail to fulfill their role of acquiring legitimacy for the new regime. While party–state relations seem to be stabilized due to the inclusiveness of the constitution-making process, both inter-party relationships and the relationship between parties and society suffer from numerous flaws which, in turn, hamper the democratic consolidation process.     

Islamism and the state after the Arab uprisings: Between people power and state power

This paper examines the trajectories of different Islamist trends in the light of the Arab uprisings. It proposes a distinction between statist and non-statist Islamism to help understand the multiplicity of interactions between Islamists and the state, particularly after 2011. It is outlined how statist Islamists (Islamist parties principally) can contribute to the stabilization and democratization of the state when their interactions with other social and political actors facilitate consensus building in national politics. By contrast when these interactions are conflictual, it has a detrimental impact on both the statist Islamists, and the possibility of democratic politics at the national level. Non statist-Islamists (from quietist salafi to armed jihadi) who prioritize the religious community over national politics are directly impacted by the interactions between statist Islamists and the state, and generally tend to benefit from the failure to build a consensus over democratic national politics. Far more than nationally-grounded statist Islamists, non-statist Islamists shape and are shaped by the regional dynamics on the Arab uprisings and the international and transnational relations between the different countries and conflict areas of the Middle East. The Arab uprisings and their aftermath reshaped pre-existing national and international dynamics of confrontation and collaboration between Islamists and the state, and between statist and non-statists Islamists, for better (Tunisia) and for worse (Egypt).     

Social Protection in India: A Welfare State Sans Public Goods?

Of the two principal components of social welfare policy—basic public services and social protection—India has focused disproportionately on the latter in the last two decades, expanding existing social protection programs and creating new ones. By contrast, the country’s basic public services, such as primary education, public health, and water and sanitation have languished. What explains this uneven focus? Why has India prioritized social protection over public services? This article considers explanations suggested by the existing literature on welfare states and concludes that they do not account adequately for the Indian case. Instead, it argues, the prioritization of social protection in India results from a combination of political, ideational, and institutional factors rooted in India’s political economy.     

Divisions within post-2011 Tunisia’s secular civil society

Popular and academic discourses frame civil society as a key factor that prevented Tunisia from following the unfortunate path of other “Arab Spring” states. But while such discourses tend to portray it as a monolithic political force, Tunisian civil society comprises a diverse range of different types of actors with different backgrounds, interests, views and approaches towards activism. Drawing upon interviews with Tunisian activists, this article maps a range of tensions within Tunisian secular civil society along these lines and sets out to explain their origins. Notably, it identifies a generational division between those activists that started to engage in the late 2000s or during and after the 2011 ouster of Ben Ali and those who were already active before. This division is based on a range of factors, including a sense of entitlement to the leadership of post-2011 Tunisian civil society on both sides, a lack of mutual respect for and trust in each other as well as differences regarding practices and priorities of civil society engagement.     

Ennahda Islamists and the Test of Government in Tunisia

After winning the 2011 elections, the Ennahda Islamist Party was the majority partner in successive coalition governments, whose poor performance – namely in the economic and security fields – disappointed the people’s high post-revolutionary expectations. Opponents accused Ennahda of incompetence, greed for power and double talk. Many of the Ennahda-led governments’ failures were due to factors beyond their control, but some did indeed depend on Ennahda’s own political weaknesses. Nevertheless, Ennahda contributed positively to the overall development of Tunisia’s political transition thanks to its moderation and pragmatism and its contribution remains paramount for the democratic consolidation of Tunisia and other political Islamic actors.     

The Islamic challenge in North Africa

This article analyzes and compares the growth of Islamist movements and regime responses in the three core Maghrib states — Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. In spite of the many points of commonality and their geographical proximity, the particular sociopolitical and historical circumstances of each of the three states have varied widely, producing a different state‐society/regime‐opposition dynamic in each case, resulting in very different political outcomes. Algeria has been, and remains, in many ways, sui generis in the Arab world. Consequently, even if the Islamists do eventually come to power there, one should avoid adopting any simplistic Islamic ‘domino theory’ for the region.     

Changing Politics from Below? Women Parliamentarians in Morocco

The issue of political change in an authoritarian state takes different forms, and one central form that it assumes concerns the introduction of women's rights and female politics. In Morocco, one celebrated issue has been the introduction of a 10 per cent quota system in 2002 in the lower chamber, which saw for the first time a significant number of women in the hitherto male-dominated Moroccan parliament. This legal change gives rise to a number of hypotheses about the possibility of political change through increased formal participation by women in politics. This article gives a critical analysis of the way in which women seemed to have been ‘empowered’, by referring to recent legal changes as well as by presenting the results of a survey that the author conducted with women parliamentarians. Using as an example what is often considered a democratically more advanced Arab country, it thereby illustrates a common feature of pseudo-democratic regimes that incorporate apparently innovative political currents whilst relying on informal mechanisms to prevent real political innovation and associated contestation.     

Counter-terrorism and alien justice: the case of security certificates in Canada

This article examines the security certificate process that has been in effect in Canada since 1978 and the 2008 amendment (Bill C-3) of the Immigration and Refugees Protection Act. It highlights how democratic means can be used to subvert meaningful policy changes, and underscores the antinomy inherent in a nation-state's zeal to protect its citizens and appeals by a group of Arab Muslim men held under security certificates for suspected terrorist activities for their human rights to be recognised and respected by a state in which they are non-citizens. The problematic immanent in nation-states serving as guarantors of human rights and its concomitant misconstruing of human rights for citizenship rights are used to demonstrate that an ‘internal Other’ has been created in Canada. The security certificate, it is argued, in stipulating that detainees may request to be deported to countries where they regularly reside or hold nationality, makes them akin to Hannah Arendt's notion of the ‘rightless’ – people who have not only lost their home (i.e., polity) or ‘distinct place in the world’, but also their legal status. Consequently, even in an advanced democracy with grandiose claims to, and assurances of, individual liberty and fundamental freedoms, ‘rightless’ people face a great danger by the fact of being nothing beyond ‘human’.