欧盟与上海合作组织:竞争对手或合作伙伴

欧盟与上海合作组织都是欧亚大陆上的区域性国际合作组织,有着若干相似的功能和定位,但是它们产生于不同的历史时期.以不同的地区为主要取向,并且有着不同的内部和外部背景条件.这样的历史条件和发展路径使得这两个组织在服务于区域和全球目标的共同格局之下.又具有不同的使命和不同的功能,在长期发展过程中形成利益和观念的交叉.这种不同使命和不同功能.使得这两个组织之间的交往在客观上存在一定障碍.     

Comparing regional organisations in global multilateral institutions: ASEAN, the EU and the UN

Structural change brought about by the end of the Cold War and accelerated globalisation have transformed the global environment. A global governance complex is emerging, characterised by an ever-greater functional and regulatory role for multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and its associated agencies. The evolving global governance framework has created opportunities for regional organisations to participate as actors within the UN (and other multilateral institutions). This article compares the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as actors within the UN network. It begins by extrapolating framework conditions for the emergence of EU and ASEAN actorness from the literature. The core argument of this article is that EU and ASEAN actorness is evolving in two succinct stages: Changes in the global environment create opportunities for the participation of regional organisations in global governance institutions, exposing representation and cohesion problems at the regional level. In response, ASEAN and the EU have initiated processes of institutional adaptation.     

International Financial Crisis and the Reform of EU Financial Regulatory System

In the global financial crisis, EU countries have suffered huge economic losses. EU Banking Sector Stability report issued by European Central Bank in August 2009 showed that the cumulative write-downs of European banks amounted to more than US$359.4 billion by the end of July 2009.     

The EU Global Strategy in a Transitional International Order

This article explores the prospects for the EU’s role as a global leader in a transitional international order, based on the assumption that multilateral principles will remain at the heart of global governance. It focuses in particular upon the EU’s 2016 Global Strategy in the context of three principal trends and challenges for global governance: political and normative challenges, legitimacy challenges, and systemic challenges. It argues that the prospects for the EU’s global role are limited as long as the EU remains committed to traditional forms and norms of global governance, because these are increasingly out of touch with the emerging international order, and the nature of contemporary collective action challenges.     

从国际体系变迁看亚欧区域间合作

亚欧区域间合作的产生和发展,一直以来都受到国际体系层面多项因素的合力推动.国际体系是两者互动的外部环境和影响变量,为考察双边关系提供了一种结构性分析框架.本文总结了亚欧区域间合作的三个时期:初步接触期、伙伴关系期和全面发展期.同时分析了国际体系中的美国因素、全球性问题的增多以及“软力量”对亚欧跨地区合作未来的影响.     

Intergovernmental Organization Memberships: Examining Political Community and the Attributes of International Organizations

Why are states jointly members in certain intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) but not others? Despite the proliferation of IGOs and renewed interest in this topic, we lack systematic research to answer this question. Our theory of political community explains why dyads of states are likely to be common members in particular types of IGOs. We analyze and compare functionalist and Deutschian communitarian perspectives about IGO memberships. We test our theory using newly available data on IGO mandates and institutional structure, which allows us to make specific predictions about the types of IGO to which dyads become members. We show that dyads that are economically dependent, and/or democratic and enjoying enduring peace, are more likely to join those IGOs that possess high levels of institutional structure. Militarized interstate conflicts reduce the likelihood of states sharing membership in common IGO, but not substantially, whereas development and alliances also increase IGO memberships between states. Trade ties, however, are the most important determinant of joint membership between states in the most institutionalized IGOs, which is congruent with security communities.     

国际机制理论与上海合作组织

上海合作组织已经开始正常运转,但是它的理论基础并不为人所认同。国际机制理论只是为它提供了一个主要的理论框架。在实践过程中,上海合作组织在理论上仍然面临着许多新问题。弄清楚上海合作组织的理论内涵,正确对待上海合作组织发展过程中出现的新问题,是中国外交理论需要研究的新课题。     

Interwar Internationalism, the British Labour Party, and the Historiography of International Relations

This article questions two interrelated myths pertaining to the interwar internationalism of the British Labour Party and the theories of so-called idealists in the academic discipline of International Relations (IR). In IR, interwar "idealists" are (in)famous for a detached and utopian approach to international politics. Conventional historiographical verdicts on the international policy of the Labour Party in the interwar period suggest that the party was the practical mirror of this naïve international outlook. In fact, the two themes are connected, most notably through Labour's Advisory Committee on International Questions . This article brings the study of Labour's internationalism and the international theories of purported idealists together by focusing on debates on the League of Nations and the use of force. The analysis reveals that conventional historiographical narratives are inadequate and too simplistic for grasping the diversity of Labour's internationalism and interwar progressivist ideas about international politics in general.     

The G7, International Terrorism and Domestic Politics: Modeling Policy Cohesion in Response to Systemic Disturbance

This work probes the variability in G7 cohesion in response to relatively new disturbances in the international system. Using a domestic politics model, we argue that G7 cohesion weakens in the face of international terrorism in the context of variable domestic consequences to common foreign policy responses to this systemic disturbance. We compare the predictions from our model with predictions stemming from neorealist and liberal/institutionalist explanations. We find that, consistent with the domestic politics explanation, G7 foreign policy cohesion declines as internal terrorism increases.     

论区域经济组织的国际法基础

当今世界经济发展是两大趋势 :经济全球化的加快和经济区域一体化的加深。区域经济组织如雨后春笋 ,组织内一体化程度日益加深。这些区域经济组织的效力直接来源于该组织的基本法律文件 ,渊源于条约必须遵守的习惯国际法规则 ,具体还表现在联合国、世界贸易组织等普遍性国际组织的相关规范性文件中     

欧盟:挫折与反思

近一年欧盟遭受连串挫折,宪法条约批准进程受阻,经济总体低迷,"法德轴心"作用下降,凝聚力减弱,成员国社会不稳定因素突显.欧盟一体化建设陷入低潮.但欧洲一体化进程已成历史潮流,也是欧洲前途所系.欧盟为防止本身一体化事业的后退和失败,正在进行反思与调整,以走出困境,重新走上健康发展的轨道.     

EU public diplomacy in Asia: a case study of the EU Center in Taiwan

Since 2004, the EU has created 11 EU centers and two center-modeled programs in East Asia as an integral part of its public diplomacy in order to “promote the study, understanding, and support of the EU and its policies.” All of these centers were jointly established by the EU and local universities, and more than 50 % of their funding is offered by the EU institutions. Among these centers and programs, the EU Center in Taiwan (EUTW) distinguishes itself from the others in two ways. On one hand, similar to the EU Center in Singapore, it acts as a national center rather than a university center. On the other hand, it was jointly inaugurated by a consortium of seven universities rather than one or two universities across the island. Therefore, this paper aims to evaluate the EU public diplomacy in Asia with the help of soft power theory and an in-depth case study of the EUTW. I will firstly review the development of the EU Studies and EU-related communities in Taiwan before the EUTW was formally inaugurated in May 2009. In the second part, I will present an in-depth analysis of the structure and functioning of the EUTW in terms of EU public diplomacy on the island. In the third part, the work of EUTW in the promotion of study, understanding, and even support of the EU and its policies will be evaluated with help of an institutionalist framework. In the end, I will give a balance sheet of the EUTW in terms of EU public diplomacy before drawing into some conclusions.     

Voting in the United Nations security council

Recently, both within and outside of the U.N. there have been serious debates on certain proposals which are aimed at changing the voting structure of the Security Council. However, neither the proponents nor the opponents of these proposals provide any evidence whatsoever about consequences of the change. This paper has dealt with two critical areas: 1) the role of the veto in the functioning of the U.N. is analyzed and articulated and 2) recent proposals to change the voting structure of the Council are analyzed and their theoretical consequences are identified.     

Understanding EU crisis diplomacy in the European neighbourhood: strategic narratives and perceptions of the EU in Ukraine,Israel and Palestine

ABSTRACT

This Special Issue seeks to better understand the role of communication and perception in EU crisis diplomacy. In a recent Special Issue in this journal, Catarina Kinnvall, Ian Manners and Jennifer Mitzen argue that, “?…?the greatest security challenge facing people across Europe is not physical, despite the threats of Putin and ISIS, but is a sense of fear and anxiety over their daily lives” [2018. Introduction to 2018 Special Issue of European Security: “Ontological (in)security in the European Union”. European security, 27 (3), 249–265]. We take an interdisciplinary approach to widen the scope of studies on European security and offer new avenues for further research into how citizens in the EU’s neighbourhood understand the security challenges they face and the role the EU plays in addressing these. Through this, we aim to bring theoretical and methodological innovation to understanding the role of the EU as an external actor.     

欧盟数字治理:理念、实践与影响

在全球科技竞争日益激烈的背景下,近几年来欧盟加速推动数字化转型,提出了"数字主权"的战略理念,在全球引起强烈反响。欧盟在规范数字市场发展方面持续发力,密集出台了一系列新的监管规则,成为全球数字治理规则的制定者、贡献者和引领者。依托于庞大的数字经济市场和先进的技术基础,欧盟将数字治理理念推向世界,产生的影响值得重视:一是在全球数字治理规则制定中的"欧洲色彩"愈加浓重;二是欧盟数字单一市场对全球数字经济格局的塑造力不断提升;三是"消费者主权"正在成为全球数字治理领域的新特征。     

The EU and the Global Order: Contingent Liberalism

Abstract

Politicians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order.