Eine Gesellschaft von Unternehmern

The traditional view of entrepreneurs as persons exhibiting exceptional initiative and willingness to take risks, who achieve considerable economic success by being innovative in markets, is challenged in this paper. A broader definition of the concept will be introduced: Entrepreneurs are profit-seeking sellers of commodities on markets. According to this conception, a society of entrepreneurs refers to a society in which potentially every member throughout his or her life, time and again, faces the need to act as an entrepreneur. The paper will start by clarifying the concept of entrepreneurship and distinguishing various forms of its manifestation. The second part provides an interpretation of change in entrepreneurship based on the thesis of its expansion and ?profanation“: Expanding entrepreneurship within organizations – downward and inward – in form of projects and in context of permanent organizational change is of crucial significance in this respect. The ?profanation“ (and normalization) of entrepreneurial action becomes manifest in the context of project structures where employees at all levels are expected to bring forth innovative resource combinations. The process of ?creative destruction“ (Schumpeter) is inwardly directed, thus challenging the prevailing understanding of organizations. Finally, the cultural conditions underlying such a development of entrepreneurship are discussed. Resulting behavior uncertainties and coordination problems raise the question of how project-type entrepreneurship might be integrated into existing organization structures.     

State-building and patronage networks: how political parties embezzled the bureaucracy in post-war Kosovo

ABSTRACT

Why has the internationally promoted Weberian-style bureaucracy failed to replace patronage as the dominant principle of state organization in post-war Kosovo? This article explores how international actors’ rule-promotion activities and local actors’ strategies of resistance play out and interact to explain the failure. The empirical analysis focuses on rules of recruitment in the civil service system in the period 2000–2016. The analysis juxtaposes two consecutive stages of the state-building process, which are marked by different degrees and forms of international involvement: the pre-independence period, 1999–2008; and post-independence period, 2008–2016. Evidence from the case suggests that during the pre-independence period, legal inconsistencies embedded in the internationally promulgated legislation enabled local actors’ formal and informal strategies to recruit political cronies in the newly created civil service system. The transfer of authority from international administrators to elected local authorities, especially after Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, did not solve the problem of legal inconsistencies, and instead, served to consolidate governing parties’ strategies of control over recruitment in the state bureaucracy. More often than not, patron–client relationships that thrive at the borderline between formality and informality of political behaviour, continued to undermine external rule transfers.     

Explaining municipal governance in Kosovo: local agency,credibility and party patronage

ABSTRACT

What can explain the varied effectiveness of internationally led attempts at statebuilding? This article seeks to answer this question by comparing the contrasting trajectories of governance in two municipalities in Kosovo: Hani i Elezit/Elez Han and Kamenica. In Hani i Elezit, evidence suggests that effective and accountable governance is embedded. However, in Kamenica informal and clientelist practices persist and residents are less satisfied with the municipality’s performance. As the nature and extent of internationally led statebuilding has been similar in both municipalities, explaining variation requires an analytical shift to how local leadership interacts with, receives and ultimately shapes statebuilding processes. The data are based on fieldwork from 2012 to 2015. The article focuses on two critical dimensions of statebuilding: capacity building and social accountability. It argues that the impact of externally led statebuilding strategies depends on the orientation of the political leadership of the municipalities. The article identifies features of the political environment, namely credibility and the organization of political parties, which constrain the kind of public-oriented leadership necessary for effective and accountable governance.     

An den Grenzen der Demokratie – Citizenship und Flucht

Current diagnoses of the crisis of democracy mostly refer to a specific type of mass democracy as it was characteristic of the second half of the 20th century. Its political space is the nation state. The presence of refugees in receiving countries now raises the basic democratic question: How can people participate in political decisions that determine their own living conditions? Refugees, lacking citizenship status, hardly have any formal political influence. The article discusses the relationship between democracy, citizenship, and forced migration in three steps. First, it presents the core arguments of the current debates on the crisis of democracy and outlines the main characteristics of democratic welfare capitalism. Thereupon, it analyzes current transformations of citizenship with regard to forced migration. It will be shown that citizenship is differentiated in the course of transnationalization and economization processes. Finally, the paper shows that potentials for democratization become visible when refugees come into view as “activist citizens” who politicize and scandalize the discrepancies between moral and legal norms as well as the limitations of democracy.     

WHEN WAL-MART WIMPED OUT

Abstract

This article offers one China analyst's perspective on a variety of questions related to the unionization of all sixty-six Wal-Mart outlets in China. Why did China force Wal-Mart to unionize? If, as Marx, paraphrasing Hegel, wrote, “all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice,” is Mao making his comeback? Or if, as Marx immediately continued in his own right, “He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce,” is Hu Jintao playing Louis Bonaparte to Mao's Napoleon? Is the Chinese state acting out of a new level of confidence that it can now challenge the world's most prepossessing corporate giants in order to make good on its communist commitments? Is it running scared in the face of a working class that has at last managed to score a victory? Or is it actually strengthening its power through time-honored tactics of mass organizational control that have not really changed despite the new market context? Are China's workers being protected, empowered, or co-opted and subjected to new forms of state control? And why did one of the world's most militantly antiunion corporations go along? Did they have a choice? Did they fear China's state-run union federation? And finally, what does all this portend for the future of labor relations in China?     

Indonesian local party politics

Since the fall of Soeharto in 1998, economic reforms have been linked to internationally supported programs to introduce market-facilitating “good governance” practices, which include the promotion of democratic elections and administrative and fiscal decentralization. International development organizations have thus put forward decentralization as necessary, essentially, to save Indonesia from becoming an irredeemably “failed state” — an issue that has now grown in importance because of the current nature of Western security concerns in Southeast Asia. But this article suggests that the way decentralization has actually taken place can only be understood in relation to the entrenchment of a democratic political regime run by the logic of money politics and violence, and primarily dominated by reconstituted old New Order elites. Taking local party politics in North Sumatra and East Java as case studies, the article shows that local constellations of power, with an interest in the perpetuation of predatory politics, still offer significant sites of resistance to the global neoliberal economic and political agenda.     

Why are public offices sold in Kyrgyzstan?

Why are public offices for sale in Kyrgyzstan? To address this question, this article attempts to set out a new logic for understanding the motives, nature, and consequences of corruption in the country. Rather than securing access to a single favor through bribery, officials invest in political and administrative posts in order to obtain access to stream of rents associated with an office. Political and administrative corruption is organically linked in this system, and corruption stems not so much from weak monitoring as from being a franchise-like arrangement, where officials are required to pay continuous “fees” to their bosses. The key is to be the public official influencing the redistribution of rents as well as participating in the informal market where “public” goods are privatized and exchanged for informal payments. Thus, instead of control over the pure economic assets of the state, influence over the state's institutional and organizational framework is the dominant strategy for earning and investing in the country.     

Perspectives on the study of culture and international politics: From Nihonjinron to the new Asianism∗

Stephanie Lawson, Professor of International Relations at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, UK, considers the role that the concept of “culture” has come to assume in the study of international politics, especially in relation to the Asia‐Pacific region. Much of the cultural nationalist rhetoric associated with the “Nihonjinron” as well as discourses surrounding the “new Asianism” has had two main consequences. One has been to reinforce static perceptions of culture as a marker of essential difference. On the other hand, some obvious instrumental uses to which it has been put by some political elites in the region has generated a great deal of cynicism about the concept. Taking culture seriously requires a different approach—one which stresses the dynamic properties of culture and its potential role in transcending the “East‐West” divide. The original version of this paper was presented at the Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies, St. Antony's College, Oxford, on 29 November 1998.     

Predation and dispossession in Africa: enabling constructive contestation over natural resources

The ‘right to contest’ is an internationally recognised principle, embodied in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The issue posited by this paper is whether and how contestation can occur, in resource-rich countries in Africa, constructively or destructively. Constructive contestation in Africa is particularly important in relation to natural resources, those under the land, on the land and perhaps most importantly in relation to the land itself. Without the political and social spaces to contest decisions regarding those resources constructively, violence or other forms of destructive contestation may ensue. In Africa, the problem of contestation is exacerbated by the predation of resources – its illicit taking by more dominant parties – and consequent territorial dispossession, loss of culture and identity, and the often justified feelings of betrayal and anger. If one accepts that contestation in a constructive manner ought to be provided for, the questions then arise as to who can legitimately contest and on what basis.     

CIVIC MOVEMENT AND NON-VIOLENT ACTION: THE CASE OF THE CAPE AREAS HOUSING ACTION COMMITTEE

The inner life and organizational style of the civic momentin South Africa during the turbulent years of apartheid hasreceived little attention. This article examines a civic bodycalled the Cape Areas Housing Action committee (Cahac). It demonstratesthat Cahac functioned as a centralized organization, althoughits constitution envisaged it operating as an umbrella body.This was because its affiliated structures were either dormant,weak or non-existent. Cahac's structures and decision-makingprocesses, including the control of finances were dominatedby a small group of individuals who composed its leadership.In that way democratic control of the organization from belowwas sacrificed, if not totally undermined. The effectivenessor otherwise of methods of struggle employed by Cahac are alsoanalysed. Finally, on a broader conceptual point, it is arguedthat the strength of social movements depend on their abilityto maintain a niche for themselves which makes the inherentlyreform oriented formations.     

Commissioning,Community, and Conscience

In all societies, collective memory practices are integral parts of local tradition and culture. While the recent “memory boom” has resulted in a massive international proliferation of commemorative monuments and memorials, not enough attention has been paid to cultural differences in the ways societies remember. By comparing processes of commemoration and memorialization in postapartheid South Africa with selected case studies in the USA, this article highlights the definitive role that material culture and tangible objects as containers of memory play in American society, while among black South Africans, oral and performative modes of remembering have traditionally been more important. In both societies, museums and commemorative monuments are promoted as officially sanctioned sites of collective memory, but their public reception differs significantly. It is argued that official forms of commemoration are most successful when they are connected to; flow naturally out of; or stand in a meaningful, symbiotic relationship with, vernacular forms of commemoration. While the tangible aspects of specific commemorative cultures can easily be imitated internationally or cross-culturally, its intangible aspects can never be assumed to transfer automatically.     

Protest Politics in a Changing Political Context: Switzerland, 1975–2005

This article analyses if and how recent changes within the Swiss political system have influenced different aspects of protest politics (e.g. level, issues, action repertoires, and transnationalization). We argue that opportunities for mobilization have emerged in recent years due to changes in the institutionalized political context and that these changes have at least partially led to a resurgence of protest activities in the early 2000s. In a longitudinal perspective, it is however rather moderate. Additionally, new social movements still dominate Swiss protest politics. Although social and migration‐related questions gained in salience, the changes are not as dramatic as in the case of party politics. The rise of a new integration‐demarcation cleavage has not (yet) shaken Swiss protest politics as heavily as Swiss party politics. Finally, even though they are not integrated into a pronounced new protest cycle, the early 2000s are marked by the global justice movement. In this context, we observe a slight radicalization of the action repertoire and police reactions, which is at least partially explained by the emergence of new “transnational” sites of contention.     

Transnationale Migration als relative Immobilität in einer globalisierten Welt

There are two conflicting interpretations of transnational migration. The first and common one is to view migration as a prime example of increasing globalization, the ever denser flows of goods, ideas and persons. The second interpretation highlights the fact that the number of migrants as a percentage of world population has not increased significantly over the past decades. After all, currently only about 3 percent of the world population reside outside the borders of the state whose citizenship they carry. However, both perspectives overlook the central sociological puzzle of relative immobility: Why are there so few transnational migrants from the many places in so-called developing and transformation countries? And why do so many migrants from a few places in the South and East come to the North and West? A systematic analysis of the factors advancing and limiting migration shows that local assets are usually quite important resources for mobility. However, if local assets are transferred into mobile resources, transnational migration can be usefully interpreted as a case of the transnationalization of life worlds.     

DEMANDING DAUGHTER DUTY

The transnationalization of rural villages in the northeast region of Thailand through women's transnational marriages is reconfiguring gendered familial obligations in the form of “daughter duty.” This article shows how economic and social remittances from dutiful village daughters who are married to foreign husbands connect local villages and communities to the global, bypassing Thai nation-state institutions and agencies that have inadequately addressed the disadvantageous position of Thailand's Isan region. This transnational process depends on daughters' (and mothers') commitment to their care work and to their role as nurturers of the family, kin, schools, temples, and community—the community being seen as a familial extension in this matrilocal society. Women's upward economic mobility and their adherence to valued filial roles contribute to the community's increased favorable acceptance of women with foreign partners, leading to a greater number of transnational marriages. This article offers a nuanced reading of the so-called phua farang phenomenon (transnational marriages) based on an analysis of transformations brought about by daughter duty and the agrarian changes taking place in villages in Thailand's Isan region as the result of the rapid growth of transnational marriages.     

Why Party Organization Still Matters: The Workers' Party in Northeastern Brazil

Does party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower‐level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid‐2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT's electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva's (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT's improvement at lower levels followed from top‐down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party's local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains.     

Tactical Innovation, Democratic Governance, and Mixed Motives: Popular Movement Resilience in Peru and Ecuador

Urban popular movements that organize illegal land invasion communities present an intriguing puzzle. When most invasion organizations acquire land titles, their participation levels plummet and their agendas stagnate; yet some neighborhoods achieve land titles, sustain high participation, and acquire other services, such as piped‐in water. Why do these organizations achieve movement resilience? The more typical trajectory of movement collapse is explained by the disappearance of the key selective incentive, property security. Some organizations, however, evade this “security trap” through mixed motives: their basic material agenda is supplemented by a nonmaterial and often altruistic agenda, which sustains participation in the face of reduced selective incentives. Examining three neighborhood case studies in Lima and Quito, this article argues that a new, “innovator” type of invasion organization is more likely to exhibit sustained participation and movement resilience due to tactical innovation, democratic governance, and mixed motives.     

Activist Culture and Transnational Diffusion: Social Marketing and Human Rights Groups in Russia

Research on transnational activism has identified conditions under which advocacy strategies and tactics are likely to diffuse across borders. Two experts on Russian society emphasize a variable that has not received sufficient attention: the predominant culture of local activists. They draw on results from a project undertaken from spring 2002 to summer 2004 designed to introduce social marketing, a strategic communications technique, to human rights activists in Russia. In addition to expanding the theoretical understanding of transnational advocacy, this study suggests that more research is needed on the decision-making processes of activists and, specifically, the organizational cultures shaping choices and decisions.     

The party,the Gama’a and the Tanzim: the organizational dynamics of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s post-2011 failure

Abstract

In April 2011, the Egyptian Muslim Brothers (MB) founded the first political party in their 83-year-long history, known as the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Yet the party remained under the control of its parent organization—the Gama’a (literally the ‘community’)—and its internal apparatus, the Tanzim. While both had been shaped during decades of MB’s semi-clandestine existence as a banned-yet-tolerated group, these did not adapt to the changing socio-political configuration and have resisted the transition to fully overt activity. Through an analysis of the FJP’s uneasy creation and with a grounding of extensive empirical research, this article argues that the party’s development was to a certain extent hampered by those pre-existing organizational structures. Organizational crystallization prevented the party from conforming to the emerging rules of the political field then under construction. Instead, the Gama’a’s undefined nature and opaque pattern of regulation were replicated within the FJP’s structure. Thus, the article seeks to uncover a hitherto hidden aspect of in the MB’s post-2011 failure, one which is rooted in organizational dynamics.     

Sustaining Labor‐Environmental Coalitions: Banana Allies in Costa Rica

What is required for sustaining an alliance between union and environmental activists? Applying grounded theory to a case study in the Costa Rican banana sector, this article reveals five historical phases. First, unions and environmentalists identify common opportunity structures for joint action. Second, a preexisting network becomes a resource for mobilization. Third, the new coalition engages in communicative action that leads to shared identity and cultural framing and a foundation for handling exogenous global forces. Market policy changes in the fourth phase stimulate a transnational activist network and framing linkages. Dramatic supply disruptions in the fifth precipitate autonomous organizational approaches that require reframing, identity extension, and flexibility. This study argues that the Costa Rican case can be generalized to other labor‐environmental coalitions if such alliances create simple, open structures that agilely adapt to external opportunity structures and expand frames that encourage collaborative autonomy and dualistic collective definitions.     

Displaced Persons and the Politics of International Categorisation(s)

Between 1947 and 1952 170,000 Displaced Persons (DPs) arrived in Australia as International Refugee Organisation (IRO)‐sponsored refugees. This article sets out the international historical and political context for the migration of DPs to Australia, and interrogates the “bureaucratic labelling” inherent in the category “Displaced Persons”. The post‐war refugees were presented internationally as “Displaced Persons”, “refugees”, “political refugees” and eventually, in an effort to solve the population crisis, as potential “workers” and “migrants”. This article will describe the historical origin of the terms “Displaced Persons”, “refugees”, “political exiles” and “migrants”— terms which were, and continue to be, relevant and problematic.