“文革”时期的社会生活及其对后现代文化的影响

作为历史的"文革"已经远去,但作为文化的"文革"却在警示着我们.新时期以来,有关"文革"的批判与反思此起彼伏.今天当我们回顾历史,在现代、后现代化语境中反思"文革"时,不无惊奇地发现,"文革"思维并没有远去,其影像还依稀存在于社会生活的某些角落.     

康克清与全国妇联的拨乱反正

在"文革"后徘徊中前进的特殊时期,康克清临危受命主持全国妇联工作,首先以果敢的政治勇气整建组织机构、处理"文革"遗留问题、澄清路线是非,初步纠正了机关工作中的"左"倾错误,促进了"揭、批、查"运动的深入开展,进而召开一系列会议和组织调查研究,推动中国妇女"四大"顺利召开,在中共十一届三中全会召开后引领妇女工作重心的转移,从而完成了全国妇联拨乱反正的任务。     

Why China’s Government Succeeds

The great revolutionary and philosopher Thomas Paine wrote on the eve of the American Revolution in 1776 that "these are the times that try men’s souls." He might as well have been talking about the global challenges mankind faces today.The latest edition in the two-decade annual series of the globally fielded Edelman Trust Barometer(ETB),an annual survey of trust and credibility in four major institutions—government,business,media and non-governmental organizations,provides some answers to which nations are meeting today’s existential challenges.And which are not.     

试论邓小平领导百色起义的历史作用

百色起义走“工农武装割据”的道路 ,是邓小平对“农村包围城市 ,武装夺取政权”的中国革命正确道路创造性的实践 ,邓小平正确地开展对俞作柏、李明瑞的统战工作和兵运活动 ,是我党在土地革命时期开展统战工作的一个成功范例 ;它所实施的以“分耕”形式为主的民族地区土地革命又是一个独创。百色起义把广西革命推向一个新高潮 ,在中国革命根据地史上具有重要的作用。     

Dispelling misconceptions about the red guard movement: The necessity to re‐examine cultural revolution factionalism and periodization

This paper argues that the Chinese Communist Party's 1981 official definition of the “Cultural Revolution” was a gross distortion of historical reality. In presenting the “Cultural Revolution” mainly as one of power struggle among the ruling elite, the official version denies that there were serious conflicts within society. It also covers up the fact that a main thrust of the violence in 1966–69 was directed against what the Rebel Red Guards called “the bureaucratic class” or the “red capitalist class”. The re‐periodization of the “Cultural Revolution” from three years (1966–69) to ten years (1966–76) was a conscious attempt to try to obfuscate what actually happened in the years from 1966 to 1969.

By manipulating historical facts, even today the CCP is able to continue to suppress members of the Rebel Faction, who had led in challenging the ruling authorities in the Sixties. The last major suppression of rebels took place in the mid‐Eighties in the political campaign to “Weed Out the Three Types of People”. The Party was able to do so with ease because Chinese society has accepted its distorted version of Chinese history.

The article ends by poiting out how this distorted history of the Cultural Revolution has had a pernicious effect on the democracy movement in China.     

哲学视阈中的“文革”发生学探析

关于"文革"起因的研究是总结、反思"文革"经验教训的一个重要方面。作为中国历史上复杂且重大的一个历史事件,其得以发生的原因是错综复杂的。对此,应采取辩证的态度,既要注重分析主要原因,也要顾及次要因素,力求能够对"文革"产生的原因进行多方面、深层次、全方位的认识和反思。     

中国共产党对宗教信仰自由政策的探索历程

党的宗教信仰自由政策是在土地革命时期初步形成,抗日战争时期逐步成熟,建国初期全面发展,新时期系统完善的.土地革命时期的宗教政策具有限制"信教自由"的特点;抗日战争时期具有统战性的特点;建国初期比较突出地体现了管理的特点;新时期以来则更多地体现出相适应的特点.     

“和平共处”外交思想的演变与中国外交

由于历史与现实、主观和客观等方面的原因,"和平共处"外交思想的运用无论是在"一边倒"体制下、社会主义国家之间, 还是着力推进"世界革命"之时,都存在着很大的局限。只有在改革开放后,我们才真正超越意识形态的差异,"和平共处"外交思想才 有了全方位的运用。与此同时,伴随着"和平共处"思想的发展,中国外交也日臻成熟与完善。     

从钱钟书、王朔小说看作家个性对创作的影响——兼论写作教学对主体创作个性的培植

钱钟书作为“文化昆仑”,《围城》中的讽刺表现出了居高临下的态势、霸气以及厚重的文化底蕴。王朔是从文革中成长起来的叛逆者,他的小说中的调侃在于批判的同时尽显平民化特色。由此可见作家个性对创作的影响之巨大。写作教学应当重视对作者创作个性的全面培植。     

试论清末民初的经济制度改革

清末民初虽然时间跨度不到 2 0年 ,但却是一个社会经济变迁较大时代。甲午战败 ,民族危机严重 ,以“振兴工商”为中心的“新政”成了濒临倾覆的清王朝挽救危机的主要手段。辛亥革命后 ,袁世凯政府也以“振兴实业”作为稳固其政权的重要方针。为此 ,相继颁行了一系列的经济政策。笔者运用新制度经济学理论探讨这一时期中国实行的由上而下的一系列经济制度改革 ,对中国资本主义的发展产生的作用和影响 ,由此揭示推进和制约近代中国资本主义发展的原因所在。     

"文革"叙事的女性主义书写——论徐坤的《招安,招安,招甚鸟安》

在《招安,招安,招甚鸟安》中,徐坤以超越父权制中心化价值体系压抑的书写策略,来实现作为主人公的徐小红艰难的自我指认和建构作为叙述者的徐小红"本真"的女性声音.小说中恣情凸显的女性主义姿态不仅仅具有女性独有的性别意识、生命体验和叙事欲望,更富有一种"性政治"的理论自觉与女性自审意识、自省意识所带来的反思的力量,这就使得徐坤在对"文革"进行书写时独具特色.     

The birth control movement on the Chinese mainland

The variations in official policy toward birth control by the Chinese communists are traced. The rate of population increase in the People's Republic of China is generally accepted as about 2% annually. Based on this rate the population which is now .75-.8 billion will reach 1.25 billion by the end of this century. Birth control campaigns were promoted during 3 discrete periods: 1) 1953-1958; 2) 1962 to the initial period of the Cultural Revolutton; and 3) from the end of the Cultural Revolution to the present. During the 1st period birth control was actively promoted through newspaper articles, birth control clinics, and the training of cadres in birth control guidance. Late marriage and population limitation were the themes of this effort. However, in late 1957 such ideas were attacked and the new population theme was the importance of large population to production. After some 4 years a new birth control campaign was instituted as a result of the collapse of the "leap forward" period, combined with the breaking off of Soviet aid. Late marriage again was promoted; the recommended ages for marriage for women were 23-27 and 25-29 for men. The idea was implanted that people who marry and have children early are likely to suffer serious health impairment. It was said that in the summer of 1963: 1) marriage licenses were not issued to men before age 30 and women before age 25; 2) middle school students who married risked being dismissed; 3) all married junior high graduates were expelled from senior high or middle technical schools and sent to rural areas to do manual labor; 4) married senior high graduates could enroll only in ordinary colleges but not "intensive colleges;" and 5) college students who married were dismissed. Meetings, conferences, forums, and exhibitions introduced and instructed in the use of contraceptives. During the Cultural Revolution, which reached its height in 1966, press propaganda on birth control and late marriage disappeared immediately. Many of the Red Guards married earlier and the birthrate increased. Since the Cultural Revolution birth control is again being emphasized with more efforts exerted in rural areas. The theory put forth is that couples who marry too early and have too many children are too tired to work and study. Housing and family allowances are also not given for the 3rd child.     

The Chinese cultural revolution revisited: The role of the nemesis

This paper takes issue with the tendency to ‘reduce’ the Cultural Revolution to elite conflict, specifically the ‘two‐line struggle’ between Mao and his erstwhile heir apparent, Liu Shaoqi. There was elite conflict before the Cultural Revolution but the basic reason for the elite split was the Cultural Revolution itself, which Liu Shaoqi and most other members of his generation of senior officials strongly opposed until Mao reprimanded them. Liu was subsequently made the focal ‘human target’ as an expedient designed to unify the movement against a common adversary. Although unsuccessful in coordinating the movement, his role as nemesis infused the movement with negative meaning as its more positive goal of reviving a revolutionary ‘spirit’ was discredited by Red Guard excesses. Liu Shaoqi leaves an ambiguous legacy, consisting on the one hand of a pragmatic endorsement of economic and social reform that has since become extremely successful, and on the other hand of a classic defense of Confucian‐Leninist ideals of organizational rectitude that have proved difficult to resuscitate.     

孙中山工农观的转变——基于五四运动前后工农运动的考察基于五四运动前后工农运动的考察

孙中山从辛亥革命和两次护法运动的失败以及五四运动和十月革命的胜利中逐渐地认识到:帝国主义和封建军阀是中国革命的真正敌人,工农革命力量才是中国革命的主要动力。因此,孙中山实现了工农观的转变:从轻视脱离工农到重视依靠工农。这一转变进而推动了中国革命向前迈进了一大步。但孙中山工农观的转变是不彻底的,具有时代和阶级的局限性。     

土地革命时期毛泽东信念观探析——重温《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火， 可以燎原》

1927年大革命失败后,中国革命进入了十年土地革命时期。期间党与红军内部出现了"右"倾悲观思潮,并几度提出"红旗到底打得多久"的疑问。对此,毛泽东在《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火,可以燎原》等著作中给予了科学回答,形成了毛泽东信念观:坚定信念创建农村革命根据地;坚信红色政权的发生、存在与发展既是可能的,也是必然的;坚信星火必燎原,中国革命高潮必将到来。毛泽东信念观的形成是大革命失败后时局变化的产物,是实行正确政策的必然结果。     

Sovereignty Matters

Those who seek to demolish rule of law can't be appointed as keepers of law By most his torical accounts,China began to emerge as a nation-state with the Xinhai Revolution in 1911.The struggle was to transforam from a civilizationstate to a nation-state,per the model imposed then by the hegemony of Western political models.Those initial efforts were not successful。     

从“平等”到“科学”：早期马克思主义核心价值背景分析

从五四运动到1927大革命失败前,中国的马克思主义传播出现了唯物史观和1923年国共合作时辩证唯物论两次理论高潮。十月革命后国人为救亡图存实现国际＂平等＂而令社会主义大放异彩。20年代中期各种＂社会主义＂喧嚣热闹,中国共产党人通过引入辩证唯物论而实现＂科学＂化,赋予了马克思主义崭新的活力和巨大的感召力。     

中国共产党创建人民军队的历史基础

中国共产党经过早期的酝酿和大革命时期的斗争 ,逐渐从思想、组织、群众、实践等方面为创建人民军队作了较为充分的准备 ,为人民军队的产生奠定了坚实的基础。随着第一次国共合作的失败和国民党新老右派加紧反共活动 ,中国共产党坚定地走上了创建人民军队、武装夺取政权的道路。     

The cultural revolution and modernity: The contradictory political implications of postmodernism in China

In order to understand the modern‐postmodern controversy in China, it is important to understand the contradictory political implications of postmodernism in that special context. Emerging in China as a post‐Cultural Revolution discourse, postmodernism has elicited both anticipation and distrust. The former comes from the promise of being liberated from the dogmas of modernity; the latter from concern about postmodern disregard of different orientations of modernity, especially conflicting totalitarian and democratic modes of modernity. While attacking modernity in general, Chinese postmodernism has so far failed to address the particular mode of modernity crystallized in the violence and brutality of the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen massacre. To undermine the modernist notions of universality, subject and grand narratives without acknowledging and accenting the oppressive deeds done under the aegis of these notions is to practice a politically conservative postmodernism which endorses the existing order while pretending to be theoretically radical and avant‐garde.     

辛亥革命前革命派力倡共和政体及其历史抉择之评析

辛亥革命前 ,孙中山为首的革命派力倡共和政体 ,基于三方面认识 :清政府是满族建立的政府 ,革命成功之后 ,不能再建立由满族人作为君主的君主立宪政体 ,必须建立共和政体 ;采取共和政体 ,可抑制“豪杰”争雄之“野心” ,达到“一劳永逸”之目的 ;中国社会已具备了实现“共和政体”的基本条件。辛亥革命烈火中诞生的资产阶级共和政体 ,虽是进步的、革命的抉择 ,但却无法与中国社会机体有机地结合。资产阶级“共和政体”是不符合中国基本国情的尴尬抉择。