首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
T HIS July marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China(CPC),whose first national congress back in 1921 heralded the social revolution that would liberate the Chinese people from feudal,imperialist,and bureaucrat capitalism oppression.Under the lead-ership of the CPC,the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949.Seventy or more years later,with the development of socialism with Chinese characteris-tics,China has reached a medium-high ranking on the human development index,and greatly improved the living conditions of its 1.4 billion people,among other achievements.  相似文献   

2.
H. Michael Crowson   《当代中国》2010,19(64):213-231
This paper explores the impact that increased exposure to China during the two and a half weeks of the Beijing Olympics had on American attitudes towards China. A large N longitudinal survey revealed a significant increase in negative attitudes towards China from the beginning to the end of August 2008. Statistical analysis revealed no dominant explanation for this change, however. Instead, personality (openness), ideology (social dominance orientation and right wing authoritarianism), and media exposure each had a small impact on changing attitudes. Further research (including a follow-up experiment manipulating the valence of media coverage of China) suggested both the possibility of an ‘efficiency effect’, whereby China's very success in both hosting and competing in the Olympics generated increased American anxiety about China, and a ‘cheating effect’, whereby stories about underage Chinese gymnasts and deception (e.g. lip synching while another child actually sang during the Opening Ceremonies) diffused broadly through social networks, uniformly and negatively impacting American attitudes towards China.  相似文献   

3.
Yang Zhong 《当代中国》2016,25(98):216-232
Street protests have become commonplace in China. Utilizing extensive survey data, this study attempts to shed light on the nature of environmental street protests in China. The key question to be answered in the article is: why, facing the same issue, do some people choose the option of participating in street protests while others do not? Multivariate analytical findings indicate that Chinese urban residents’ willingness to participate in street protests over a hypothetical pollution issue in China is significantly related to their attitudes toward institutions in China. What motivates people to participate in street protests has a lot to do with their trust and support of the political system in China and their perceived government transparency. In other words, these protests are not just what Lewis Coser calls ‘realistic conflicts’ which primarily involve specific issues and solutions. One implication from this study is that street protests in China may not be as benign and non-regime threatening as some scholars might think.  相似文献   

4.
Xiaoxiong Li 《当代中国》1996,5(11):93-104
Focusing on current human smuggling operations in China, this article analyzes and attempts to explain the background of illegal Chinese emigrant activities. It argues that, contrary to the common representation of these illegal emigrants as hopeless, destitute people who have no choice but to flee from their country, in truth many are young people driven by restlessness and ambition, from various social origins. Recent political, economic, and social reforms within China provide those dreaming of a better life in foreign countries the opportunity to leave.  相似文献   

5.
IN 2018 the State Council of China approved the establishment of the China (Hainan) Pilot Free Trade Port and released the China (Hainan)Pilot Free Trade Zone General Plan.In the following years,the levels of eco-nomic development continued to rise in Hainan,positioning the province as a shining example of China's opening-up and reform drive,creating new op-portunities for people of the region and beyond.  相似文献   

6.
The study of Chinese nationalism is very popular—both in China and the West. This article introduces a special section of seven articles (four of which are in this issue) on ‘The Limits of Chinese Nationalism’, arguing that our understanding of nationalism in China is problematic. This special section aims to explore the limits of many of the statements about Chinese nationalism that have now become ‘common sense’: the rise of Chinese nationalism, nationalism filling an ideological vacuum, elites manipulating nationalism to gain legitimacy, and so on. Using critical IR theory this Introduction explores the concept of limits to argue that borders in China are not just territorial, but cultural, economic and thus political. It seeks to change the objective of our discussion of Chinese nationalism from seeking an Answer—either as a measure of the objective nature of Chinese nationalism or as a moral judgment of it as good or evil—to seeing ‘nationalism’ as a provocation which pushes us to think about China and identity in a host of different and productive ways.  相似文献   

7.
我国留学人员具有留学报国的光荣传统,改革开放三十多年来,已有近40万留学人员学成归国,为推动中国经济社会发展和科学技术进步作出了突出贡献.由欧美同学会·中国留学人员联谊会和中华文化学院共同主办的"21世纪中国:海外留学人员服务祖国科学发展"研讨会,主要探讨海外留学人员服务祖国科学发展这一议题.在新的历史条件下,海外留学人员服务科学发展、践行留学报国的光荣传统,更需要发扬光大.  相似文献   

8.
Despite disruptions triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic, cooperation between China and Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries has continued at an accelerated pace, former Chilean President Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle said at the Fourth Dialogue Between the Civilizations of China and Latin America and the Caribbean on October 22. He was echoed by Ma Peihua, former Vice Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, who stressed that in a complex and volatile world, it is never a sustainable solution for countries to detach themselves from the interna-tional community. Developing countries, including China and LAC nations, need to work together, support one another, and conduct cooperation and exchanges.  相似文献   

9.
Following a series of ups and downs in their relations over time, China and Russia have finally become more harmonious of late.This is expected to continue in the years to come. During a seminar at the Beijing Press Center of Russia's RIA Novosti News Agency in September,Igor Rogachev,former Russian Ambassador to China, and Li Fenglin, former Chinese Ambassador to Russia, shared their thoughts on the evolution of bilateral relations. Excerpts follow:  相似文献   

10.
中国近代百年以降 ,农民阶级、资产阶级维新派和革命派先后提出过各自的社会发展主张 ,从太平天国的《天朝田亩制度》、康有为的“大同世界”理想 ,到孙中山以“平均地权”为主要内容的民生主义。这些主张实际上只能是乌托邦。改革开放后 ,中国共产党郑重提出建设“小康社会” ,十六大又明确提出了“全面建设小康社会”的奋斗目标。这是时代的超越 ,是符合中国国情的历史选择  相似文献   

11.
African studies are gaining promi-nence in China,as the country forges closer ties with Africa. At the end of last year,the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS),one of the leading think-tanks in China,issued a strategic report on China-Africa relations and submitted it to China's top leadership. Beijing Review reporter Liu Wei spoke to Li Weijian,Director of the Department of West Asian and African Studies at SIIS,who headed the strate-gic report project,on the evolving relations between Chi...  相似文献   

12.
This article examines e-government development and its impact on authoritarian rule in China. It is widely believed that e-government can help to encourage government transparency, expand the information flow, promote work efficiency and increase citizens' political participation. This may be true in open democracies, yet there is little scholarly support for this conventional wisdom applied in authoritarian societies. In this article, we review the current condition of e-government in China by a detailed analysis of 29 government websites at the provincial/metropolitan level. We look at what kinds of features are available online, such as information available and services provided. We also examine the transparency and citizen participation efforts and whether e-government in China today will result in movement toward e-democracy tomorrow.  相似文献   

13.
At first glance, my motherland, Egypt, and China seem to be worlds apart. In a strictly geographical sense, there are 6,896 km between them. But a closer look reveals much the two countries have in common. That was what my uncle, who served as ambassador to China in the 1990s, used to tell me.  相似文献   

14.
The official visit of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak to China on June 2-5 is seen as an important step in furthering the strategic and cooperative relationship between the two countries. In an interview with Beijing Review reporter Zhou Jianxiong, Mohamed Jawhar Hassan, Chairman and CEO of the Institute of Strategic and International Studies, a top think tank and consulting institution in Malaysia, outlined why Malaysia made its decision to establish diplomatic ties with China 35 years ago and why...  相似文献   

15.
Baoren Su 《当代中国》2010,19(66):719-733
Leisure education has already become an important concept of the modern education system in the Western world, but it is little established and practiced in China as it has been ignored or overlooked. Therefore, this study, in view of the growing importance of leisure life and leisure education for Chinese college students today, was undertaken in order to examine their current situation with regards to leisure life and leisure education. The study presents the results of a survey on leisure education and activities involving students from universities and colleges in Hangzhou, P.R. China, which shows that due to a lack of leisure skills and capabilities as well as an inadequate understanding of the meaning of leisure, the quality and level of students' leisure life on campus is unsatisfactory. This empirically-based study is trying to probe into the problems relating to leisure education in China and provide some perspectives, analysis and solutions based on the findings of the study. Since few researchers have observed leisure activity and leisure education in China, the study is a contribution to the literature on contemporary Chinese leisure education.  相似文献   

16.
This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.  相似文献   

17.
T HE Communist Party of China (CPC) turns 100 in 2021,making it a year of celebration and of historical and symbolic significance for the Chinese people.Under its leadership,China has achieved spectacular development and succeeded in eradicating extreme poverty all over the country. With the centennial celebration of the CPC,the big question that many people have in mind is how the People's Republic of China managed to eradicate extreme poverty on its soil during a span of only sev-eral decades,a goal set by the United Nations which seemed at first a utopian,theoretical conception for many countries,especially in Africa.  相似文献   

18.
中国的多党合作和政治协商制度是近现代以来中国政治发展的产物,具有丰富、独特的内涵。这一制度的一个显著特点,就是它不仅包括我国的各个党派,还包括人民政协这一在我国政治体制中具有独特地位的政治组织。实行多党合作和政治协商不仅有现实的依据,而且体现了我国深厚的历史文化传统。只有扎根于中国土壤同时又顺应时代潮流,才能走出一条中国特色的社会主义政治发展道路。  相似文献   

19.
Hong Liu 《当代中国》2011,20(72):813-832
The past decade has seen a growing body of literature on the (re)emergence of China and its implications for the new international order, and this scholarship is accompanied by the attempts from both within and outside of China to establish Chinese schools of international relations (IR). These admirable efforts, however, have been largely state-centric and concerned mainly with the balance of power, with little attention being directed to the diaspora's role in the evolution of China's international relationship and their potential contribution to bridging China studies and international relations theorization. Drawing upon theoretical insights from both IR and diaspora studies and employing a wide range of primary data including archives and personal interviews, this essay examines the diaspora's role (or the lack of it) in China's diplomacy since 1949 and attempts to conceptualize the Chinese experience in an historical and comparative perspective. I argue that historicity and state have played a significant part in shaping the interactions between the diaspora and diplomacy. The Chinese state's resilient capacity in domesticating (potential) diplomatic problems with respect to the diaspora and transforming them into new policy initiatives through facilitating diasporic participation in China's socio-economic and political processes has opened up new venues for the Chinese overseas to be involved in China's diplomacy. This article concludes by considering three different routes in engaging the diaspora with diplomacy at a time of China rising and by calling for strategic integration of diaspora into the emerging discourses on ‘IR theories with Chinese characteristics’.  相似文献   

20.
Dilip K. Das 《当代中国》2013,22(84):1089-1105
The objective of this article is to explore the economic relationship between China and the surrounding dynamic Asian economies. It delves into China's influence over the Asian economies and whether this relationship has evolved in a market- and institution-led symbiotic manner. The three principal channels of regional integration analyzed in this article are trade, FDI and vertically integrated production networks. Another issue that this article explores is the so-called China ‘threat’ or ‘fear’ in Asia. The China threat implied that China was crowding out exports from the other Asian economies in the world market place. Also, as China became the most attractive FDI destination among developing countries, it was understood that China was receiving FDI at the expense of the Asian economies. These concerns were examined by several empirical studies and the inference was that they were exaggerated. The article concludes that China methodically expanded and deepened its economic ties with its regional neighbors. At the present juncture, China's integration with the surrounding Asian nations is deep. Both China and its dynamic Asian neighbors have benefited from this synergy.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号