妇女、民族与民族国家--第三世界女权主义与民族主义关系初探

殖民地、第三世界国家民族主义和女权主义在社会性别观念变化、妇女解放运动和民族解放运动高涨、民族国家建立和发展等方面都发挥了重要作用。但是由于民族主义在争取民族独立中的主导地位和女权主义的从属地位,决定了第三世界国家的妇女解放主要是由民族主义、民族国家和男性主导的,难以达到真正的男女平等和妇女解放。     

经济全球化与国家主权

经济全球化是21世纪世界经济发展的大趋势。经济全球化的不断发展,对现代主权国家在国际体系中的地位作用、对国家主权的范围等产生了强烈的冲击和影响。“历史终结论”、“民族国家终结论”、“主权终结论”、“超国家主义”等观点是站不住脚的。主权观念没有过时。面对经济全球化给国家主权带来的挑战,包括中国在内的广大发展中国家,应积极寻求维护国家主权的基本对策。     

全球化与中国主权伦理的深度更新

本文深入探讨了民族国家主权伦理的基本内涵、核心内容和经典类型，仔细剖析了全球化现象对民族国家主权伦理的巨大挑战，并指出面对汹涌澎湃的全球化浪潮，中国必须在民族历史思想基础、国家主权伦理理念、国内制度伦理建构、对外交往伦理策略、联合国政治伦理作用发挥等层面完成国家主权伦理的深度更新。     

论新形势下中国民族区域自治制度的发展创新——基于当代政治社会学的研究视野

中国现有的民族区域自治制度是经典政治社会学时代的产物,当代社会的发展对这种制度的延续提出了许多前所未有的挑战。中国的民族区域自治制度必须因应时代和社会的发展而不断创新。构建符合中国国情的公共治理型民族区域自治制度,一方面有必要在全球化的背景下,超越民族国家的层次来审视这种自治制度的运作,基于当代社会认同的视野对社会与政治生活的民主形式的实现进行重新思考;另一方面也要从更微观的角度认真研究社会内部不断兴起的社会组织和政治力量,发展出一套各种社会主体都能自觉遵守的自律性权力。     

浅析亨金的主权思想——读亨金的《国际法：政治与价值》

主权被认为是现代民族国家的本质属性,也是国际法学中的核心概念之一。美国学者路易斯·亨金在《国际法：政治与价值》一书中充分论述了他的主权思想,在国际关系变化的背景下,路易斯·亨金认为国际人权法的兴起、世界经济发展以及国家豁免制度演变等因素构成了对传统主权学说的挑战。     

罗家伦与近代中国民族理论研究--以民族、民族性、民族国家为中心

在对原始民族、少数民族和边疆民族的族群文化及其历史进行的研究成为近代中国民族学主流的情况下,罗家伦从近代欧洲民族及民族国家兴起的历史与理论出发,对民族、民族性的构成要素、形成过程及近代民族国家的建立与类型等民族基本理论问题进行了阐释,并最终落实到中华民族生存发展的基点上。他对民族基本理论的阐释在20世纪40年代具备了较高的理论水准,在近代中国民族理论发展史上具有一定的开拓意义。     

民族国家观念的建构与女性个体国民身份确立之间的关系

近代中国的女权运动与民族主义运动是现代性追求的两个侧面。文章首先分析了“天赋人权”观和“民族国家”理念的内在逻辑,论证“天赋人权观”和“民族国家观念”内在地包含着女性个体身份确立的要求,其构建和传播过程为近代女权运动开拓了新的话语空间。其次,分析观念传播和话语建构的过程,分析男性和女性话语的共性和差异性。认为近代女权主义者策略性地使用了男性主流话语和国家主义的女权逻辑,同时,女性通过构建“同为国民,同担责任”的话语和“同担责任”的行动确立了女性的主体身份和彰显了女性的主体性和能动性。     

Nationalism,Civilization and Transnational Relations: the discourse of Greater China

This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.     

Discussion of 'International Political Economy from a Chinese Angle'

According to Zhu Wenli, Chinese scholars of political economy have been examining many of the same issues as their American counterparts, but have reached quite different conclusions. Chinese scholars accept the importance of globalization, but do not believe that globalization is making the nation-state less relevant or international regimes more powerful. They concede that economic and other transnational issues are becoming increasingly salient in international affairs, but conclude that they are simply altering the ways in which nations compete for power rather than making the international system more cooperative. They agree that much of today's world order is rooted in American hegemony, but do not consider that US foreign policy can be characterized as 'benign'. These conclusions have troubling implications for US‐China relations. They suggest that China will not agree to be integrated into an international community led by the United States, and that the relationship between Beijing and Washington is more likely to be competitive than cooperative.     

Rethinking the Chinese World Order: the imperial cycle and the rise of China

Looking to China's imperial history to understand how China as a great power will behave in the twenty-first century, some scholars have rediscovered the concept of the traditional Chinese world order coined by John K. Fairbank in the 1960s in the reconstruction of the benevolent governance and benign hierarchy of the Chinese Empire, and portrayed its collapse as a result of the clash of civilizations between the benevolent Chinese world order and the brutal European nation-state system. China was forced into the jungle of the social Darwinist world to struggle for its survival. As a result, China's search for power and wealth is to restore justice in an unjust world. China's rise would be peaceful. This article finds that while imperial China was not uniquely benevolent nor uniquely violent, the reconstruction of China's imperial past to advance the contemporary agenda of its peaceful rise has, ironically, set a nineteenth century agenda for China in the twenty-first century to restore the regional hierarchy and maximize China's security by expanding influence and control over its neighborhoods.     

New Migrants and the Revival of Overseas Chinese Nationalism

Emerging at the turn of the twentieth century, overseas Chinese nationalism played an important part in the evolution of the overseas Chinese community and modern history of China. It is generally held that overseas Chinese nationalism had died out and had become ‘a historical phenomenon’ by the 1950s, when the China-centered allegiance of the overseas Chinese was replaced by a local-oriented identity. The fundamental change of the Chinese diasporic communities over the last two decades, however, has put this conventional wisdom into contestation. This essay is concerned with the emergence of the xin yinmin (new migrants) and corresponding manifestations of a reviving overseas Chinese nationalism since 1980. It is divided into two main parts. The first is empirical, examining the rise and characteristics of the new migrants, who are composed of four main types: students-turned-migrants, emigrating professionals, chain migrants, and illegal immigrants. The second section is conceptual and comparative, looking at the manifestations and limitations of the reviving overseas Chinese nationalism and placing them in a historical perspective. It also considers the embedded tensions between nationalism and transnationalism and the strategies employed by both the Chinese state and new migrants in tackling these tensions. I argue that there are complex reasons behind the re-emergence of overseas Chinese nationalism. From overseas, it is a by-product of the formation of sizeable new migrant communities, particularly in the West. As the first-generation immigrants who have extensive links with the homeland, they remain culturally, and often, politically, attached to China (as a nation-state and/or site of transnational imaginary) and are concerned greatly with Chinese matters. Through such intermediaries as Chinese-language newspapers, websites and TV programs, they form a borderless and imagined greater China that is bound by both the ideas of sovereignty and transnational culture. From the mainland, a series of policies relating to the Chinese overseas facilitate the connections between China and its population overseas, thus providing a potential ground for the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. I argue that the key agendas of this reviving overseas Chinese nationalism are China's economic prosperity, cultural regeneration, and national unification. This nationalism, furthermore, is characterized by its reactive nature and embedded contradictions with the simultaneous process of transnationalism, which in turn reduces the centrality and intensity of nationalism. As a result, it is unlikely to constitute a unified ideology or a movement with centralized leadership such as that in the 1930s.     

On the Teleological Interpretation of the Right to a Happy Life

In his letter to the symposium commemorating the 70~(th)anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward that "people's happy life is the greatest human right ".The academic implication of this important exposition is that it puts forward a major concept,the right to a happy life as a human right,in the field of hum an rights.The right to a happy life is the right that people pursue,enjoy and realize a happy life,which belongs to the general right,that is,the "bundle of rights".Teleological interpretation provides a strong defense for the right to a happy life.However,teleological interpretation may bring many risks,which may get the right to a happy life into many dilemmas,such as the loss of dignity due to the degradation of "human" as a tool,the loss ofjustice due to the damage to the human rights of a few individuals or groups,the possible violation of human rights due to the promotion of the expansion of government power,and the difficulty of universal recognition due to differences in the pursuit of happiness and the happiness itself.Therefore,we must adhere to the "people-centered" principle and justice to enhance the government's serious handling of human rights and reach an overlapping consensus in the pursuit of happiness,so as to restrict the teleological interpretation of the right to a happy life in a rational manner and promote the development of China's human rights cause.     

怎样写好警学论文(二)--选题与怎样确定选题

选题 ,就是从警察科学领域众多的警务现象或问题中 ,选择确定某一警务现象或某一问题作为研究的课题。确定选题可以使我们明确研究的主攻方向 ,并集中精力研究解决主要问题。确定选题的过程 ,也是论文作者提高自身研究能力的过程。选题确定得好 ,就会有新的发明和创造。只有懂得了怎样确定选题 ,才能写出有价值的警学论文。     

Building a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind to Human Rights Theory

The concept named "a community with a shared future for mankind" has important implications for the theory and practice of human rights. From the perspective of specific human rights, the idea of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind implies recognizing the right to peace of mankind, advocates the mode of economic cooperation and development, and acts as a guide for building an eco-friendly world, rejecting hegemony, and promoting cultural diversity. Therefore, a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind plays an important supporting role in establishing the legitimacy of specific rights. Meanwhile, in view of the scarcity of human resources, it is impossible for all kinds of rights to be protected to the same degree. Human rights need to be systematically constructed in theory and practice, and also require the formation of a well-functioning platform for their protection. As a guideline, the notion of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind is conducive to the establishment of such a system.     

Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in the Discourse of Community with a Shared Future: China's Ideas and Experience

Countries in the world lack the ability to maintain internal independence and to cope with new external risks, sov ereign state relations based on respect for diversity are giving way to global solidarity. The concept of a community with a shared future for all mankind emphasizes relative independence along with the integration of human society and the joint liability of states. The basic principle is to recognize and respect diversity so as to maintain and enhance integration. In the discourse of a community with a shared future, we must look at human rights and the promotion and protection of human rights from a relational and symbiotic perspective. The concept of human rights is comprehensive, the universality of human rights does not mean the universality of human rights standards, and the global governance of human rights needs to strengthen both the internal c and external capacities and conditions of countries. In this regard, China's experience is to form a task-oriented target governance model, enhance the enforceability and evaluability of the legal protection of human rights, substantiate and operationalize human rights principles and proposals at all levels through efforts such as establishing mechanisms and initiating forums, and continue to implement and enhance the external cooperation mechanism. The vulnerability, diversity, and scarcity of individuals and human societies are the roots of the problems of global peace and security, and a community with a shared future is also a community of rights, obligations and responsibilities. Therefore, the promotion and protection of human rights is not a burden to be distributed, but a responsibility to be shared, a collective responsibility based on shared values.     

How Do You Solve a Problem Like Legitimacy? Contributing to a new research agenda

Previously in this journal, Gunter Schubert's article, entitled ‘One-party rule and the question of legitimacy in contemporary China’, called for the setting up of a new research agenda to analyze the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While making a valuable contribution to the study of the CCP's legitimacy, Schubert's emphasis on the empirical measurement of this concept gives rise to a number of conceptual and theoretical issues. As a consequence, this article seeks to contribute to the research agenda by addressing these issues. In so doing, it suggests that a shift away from a narrow empirically-measured focus on legitimacy towards a broader conceptually-driven concern with legitimation would allow for a more inclusive agenda within the China studies community and lead to a more complete understanding of why the CCP remains in power.     

贿赂犯罪案件侦查中司步录音录像在律师会见中的应用

新刑事诉讼法全面吸收了《律师法》关于律师会见的规定,这对职务犯罪侦查工作,尤其是对贿赂犯罪侦查工作带来新的挑战。借鉴职务犯罪侦查同步录音录像制度,在律师会见中引入同步录音录像,对律师的会见权进行一定程度的制约,既有利于破解刑事诉讼中长期存在的“会见难”问题,也可以达到惩处犯罪与保障犯罪嫌疑人诉讼权利之间的平衡。     

Human Rights Implications of Bringing the Building of a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects to a Successful Completion——From the perspective of the Developmentalism of Human Rights

The Developmentalism of Human Rights provides a broader perspective for a comprehensive and profound understanding of the human rights implications of bringing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects to a successful completion.From the perspective of the Developmentalism of Human Rights,bringing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects to a successful completion takes promoting the all-round development of human beings as the starting point and end point,which embodies the ultimate goal of human rights to guarantee everyone's free,comprehensive and coordinated development;the specific goals and tasks set by bringing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects to a successful completion respond to the four means rights to subsistence,freedom,participation and equal protection.The realization of the goals and tasks of completing the process of building a moderately well-off society in all aspects marks a higher level of safeguarding the right to development,and also opens a new journey for all members of the society to develop freely,comprehensively and harmoniously.     

试论和谐警民关系规范化建设的公共关系途径

和谐警民关系建设成果丰厚,但由于历史和现实的原因,实践中存在规范化不足、制度化缺失的问题,这与警民关系建设没有规范的顶层设计、未能建立稳定独立的组织领导体系有很大关系。从各地公安机关警民关系建设的实践出发,以国外警方的先进经验和全球行政改革的理论为依据,当前警民关系建设应转入规范化建设阶段,应从目前较为粗放的管理方式转入精细化管理阶段,从而实现警民关系建设的组织管理系统化、工作任务具体化、工作机制常态化。