社会纠纷解决中的国家权力与社会权力

福柯的权力场理论认为,权力是一种生产性的互动结构,权力致力于生产、培育和规范各种力量,权力及其主体是多元的。“维稳政治”的本质是“（国家）权力维稳”,是依靠国家强制力对社会纠纷当事人进行胁迫与压制,其结果是越维稳越不稳。“治理政治”要求国家治理能力和治理体系现代化,社会纠纷解决的权力机制必须多元化、多样化,社会权力应当成为社会纠纷解决的基础性权力。在社会纠纷解决机制中,国家权力与社会权力是一种良性互动关系,不是命令与服从、领导与被领导关系。     

国际政治学与政治学中的国家权力——一种比较视角

国际政治学学者从两个方面理解国家权力概念:第一,社会学意义上的权力概念;第二,政治学意义上的政治权力概念。运用类比研究的方法,分析国际社会中的国家权力特性,而场域差异是国际社会中国家权力特性的来源。     

转型期政府权力与公共权力的调适——以国家和社会关系为视角

转型期意味着我国国家与社会关系由社会国家化逐渐向国家与社会竞合阶段过渡,意味着政府权力与公共权力的合理定位。然而在社会转型的实际过程中,政府权力与公共权力的关系定位还不甚明晰,边界模糊。因此,厘清政府权力与公共权力之间的关系,对传统的政府权力与公共权力加以调适,乃是转型期社会的重要任务。     

政党执政权力的产生和实现——基于国家与社会关系的研究视角

政党执政是指政党通过一定方式进入国家体系并通过国家体系实现政党意志的政治行为,所反映的是政党外部的政治关系及其运作;在法治条件下,执政党要在国家宪法和法律的框架下行使执政权力;政党执政权力来源于社会,是社会权力的一种实践形式;政党是国家与社会的桥梁,国家与社会关系的状况与政党执政权力的实现有密切关系。非政府组织的蓬勃发展给国家与社会关系带来的新变化,向政党执政权力的职能定位和实现方式提出了更高要求。     

权力监督与国家治理能力现代化

鉴于权力的整合与协调功能,政治文明的核心应当在于不断提升权力的社会性与公共性,进而揭示权力在国家治理进程中的主线功能。然而,国家与社会之间的张力以及由此形成的意识形态,导致权力运行明显背离其应然状态,严重掣肘国家治理能力,权力也因此在国家与社会的消长中受到日益普遍的监督。因此,权力监督应当重视体制内外两种主体的优势互补,追求依法监督与以德监督的统一,实现从功利性监督到道义性监督的跃升,进而以规范的监督实践提升公民素质,促进国家治理能力现代化。     

强化国家能力与规范国家权力:现代国家构建的双重使命

现代国家构建应纳入到国家与社会的关系视角中去考察.从国家——社会的向度看,国家应当具备有效控制社会的能力,以维持秩序并提供和平与安全;从社会——国家的向度看,为了保障社会中公民和各社会群体的权利和利益,国家权力应当受到规范.所以,强化国家能力与规范国家权力是现代国家构建的双重使命.强化国家能力就是强化国家的强制能力、监管能力、合法化能力、汲取能力与供给能力;规范国家权力一要使人民掌握国家权力,即实行民主政治,二要使国家权力受到限制,使其在划定的权力边界内依 法行使.     

权力监督与国家治理能力现代化

现代政治文明的核心应当在于权力文明,在于不断提升权力的社会性与公共性,其揭示了权力在国家治理能力现代化进程中的主线功能。然而,政治生活的内在机制,尤其是国家与社会之间的张力以及由此造成的理念意识,往往导致权力运行背离应有的功能与属性,严重阻碍国家治理能力之提升,权力也因此在国家与社会的此消彼长中受到日益普遍的监督。为此,权力监督应当重视体制内外两种主体的优势互补,追求依法监督与以德监督的合体,实现从功利性监督到道义性监督的跃升,进而以规范的监督实践提升公民素质,促进国家治理能力现代化。     

“把权力关进制度的笼子里”的根源探析——马克思论国家权力的为恶倾向及其制约

根据马克思的国家权力理论,国家权力具有阶级统治的本质属性,而且这种属性使国家权力具备了三种为恶倾向:一是暴力倾向;二是异化倾向;三是垄断倾向。国家权力的滥用和腐败根源于其内含的这三种为恶倾向。要真正"把权力关进制度的笼子",就是要制约国家权力这些为恶倾向,也即让无产阶级取得国家政权,将生产全部集中到联合起来的个人手中,并逐渐将国家政权归还给人民、归还给社会有机体。     

正义、权力与权利之间的关联性分析

权利在多重分离情况下产生了正义和权力的需要。正义、权力与权利之间有着必然的联系,在词源语义上,正义、权力与权利具有同源同根性;在内涵上,正义、权力与权利具有包容互涵性;在应然逻辑上,正义、权力与权利具有互动互利性;在现实逻辑上,社会正义与国家权力具有对立统一性。     

It's economic size,stupid! How global advocacy mirrors state power

Numerous empirical studies suggest that global interest communities are heavily biased in favor of wealthier countries. This research note critically reviews these works suggesting that they (i) lack a benchmark to assess the biased nature of global interest communities and (ii) conflate the concepts of “wealth” (based on GDP per capita) and “economic power” (based on GDP) into one analytical category. As a corrective to these problems, we compare variation in global interest group mobilization across countries to the size of these countries' national economies. Relying on an original dataset mapping interest groups communities at the World Trade Organization (1997–2012) and the United Nations Climate Summits (1997–2011), we show that (i) global interest representation almost perfectly reflects differences in countries' relative economic power and (ii) contrary to the conventional wisdom, wealthier countries are, relative to their economic size, actually underrepresented in global interest communities.     

Cross-border metropolitan governance: the multi-faceted state power

Metropolitan regions have become one of the most appropriate scales to define efficient governance networks for economic and territorial development. The state still is the key actor of these partnerships. Yet the question remains whether cross-border metropolitan regions represent a new point of reference that puts state power in question or whether they only reorganize it. The centrality of state power will be examined by looking at two networks of actors (public transport and territorial marketing) working at the Eurometropolis Lille–Kortrijk–Tournai. The results reveal that a triple-faceted state power has emerged to define and organize cross-border metropolitan management.     

Neutrality,autonomy, and power

This paper critically examines Alan Patten’s theory of neutrality of treatment. It argues that the theory assumes an inadequate conception of personal autonomy, which undermines its plausibility. However, I suggest that the theory can resolve the problem by developing and reinterpreting its conception of autonomy and introducing an additional strategy for addressing the power imbalances that result from the market-based interactions between individuals and their conceptions of the good.     

Rational choice theory,public policy and the liberal state

Liberalism requires a high order of responsible behaviour from its citizens in order to be sustainable. Yet when the modern liberal state makes policy, it is the stereotyped economic man, driven by self-interest and influenced only by carrots and sticks, who occupies center stage. This regulatory approach to public policy can be shown theoretically to give rise to a paradox — the greater the need for regulation, the less likely, because of compliance problems, it is to succeed. It is contended that an alternative approach which explicitly focuses on a broader behavioral understanding of citizens' attitudes and motivations provides a rationale for the use of a much wider range of policy instruments than does the regulatory framework, and is also more in keeping with those values necessary to the sustainability of the liberal state.     

Critical theory and the capitalist state

This article is an overview of Michel Callon's contribution to the reformulation of economic sociology and anthropology. It contextualizes Callon's concepts within science and technology studies, and indicates the main lines of influence on his thinking about economic processes. Callon's work also opens up a number of debates and challenges to current perspectives within economic sociology. Finally, the article considers the way in which Callon's perspective reconfigures both the relation of politics and economics, and the nature of politics itself.     

Education,epistemic virtues,and the power of toleration

ABSTRACT

Toleration is usually regarded as a pivotal democratic virtue that should be cultivated in the educational systems of liberal democracies. The concept of toleration, however, is marked by deep ambivalence. Power-theoretical criticisms of toleration as a political and educational ideal have emphasized that discourses of toleration are entangled with societal power struggles, and tend to naturalize social hierarchies and reify individual and collective identities. Given this criticism, toleration refers not just to justificatory problems concerning the limits of political or pedagogical authority, or to the peaceful negotiation of conflicts that pervade pluralistic societies. On the contrary, toleration itself seems to create and perpetuate precisely those political conflicts that it is meant to contain. This contribution develops a defence of toleration as a coherent and sound aim of public education and as a democratic virtue against the power-theoretical critique.     

军事软实力的战斗力生成机制及其建设途径

军事软实力在信息化战争中的作用日益突出.这是因为军事软实力通过对军队内部诸要素质量的提升和结构的优化,形成凝聚力、鼓舞力、文化力、整合力、创新力和瓦解力,能够极大地提高军队的战斗力.在我军武器装备技术水平与西方军事强国的巨大差距难以在短时间内发生根本性改变的情况下,加强军事软实力建设对于提高我军打赢信息化战争的能力具有十分重要的意义.     

Political ontology,constituent power,and representation

In this piece, I discuss some aspects of the tension between democracy and constitutionalism in light of Pettit’s attempt to think popular control of government by way of a mixed constitution and the introduction of an alternative concept of representation.