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胡锦涛总书记“七一”讲话敏锐把握世情、同情和党情发生的深刻变化,鲜明提出精神懈怠的危险、能力不足的危险、脱离群众的危险、消极腐败的危险,更加尖锐地摆在全党面前。 相似文献
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学习胡锦涛总书记“七一”讲话,给我印象最深刻的是总书记有关“四个危险”的表述。“精神懈怠的危险,能力不足的危险,脱离群众的危险,消极腐败的危险更加尖锐地摆在全党面前……”可谓振聋发聩,发人深思!结合我们行业协会管理的实际工作,我个人觉得,我们要特别防范和化解脱离群众与能力不足的危险。脱离群众,是工作作风问题;能力不足,是工作能力问题。只有改善工作作风,提高工作能力,我们才能把行业管理工作做得更好。 相似文献
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湖北省委、省政府掀起的“责任风暴”与“治庸计划”,在社会引起强大反响。“治庸问责”主要针对党员干部精神之庸、能力之庸、责任之庸“三庸”问题,达到“治庸提能、治懒提效、治散提神、治软提劲”的效果。本文通过工作创新问责、工作目标问责,工作纪律问责和工作连带问责四个层次“问责”分析,探索建立“治庸问责”的长效机制,体现“治庸问责”针对性,强化系统性,提高实效性。 相似文献
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7月以来,全国上下认真学习胡锦涛总书记“七一”重要讲话精神,山西省长治市郊区审计局作为审计基层党组织,积极组织全体审计干部迅速掀起“学习‘七一’讲话精神,推动转型跨越发展”的学习热潮。 相似文献
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如果说肇始于2004年非典期间的官员问责在当时对国人来说还颇感新鲜和罕见的话,那么现在官员问责则已经成为中国政治生活中的一道常见的风景线,日趋制度化。 相似文献
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我是8000万共产党人中的普通一员,身上流淌着祖、父三代不同时期奋斗、实践的党的血脉,传承其中,情系其闻。 相似文献
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Emanuel Emil Coman 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):467-489
The paper tests the effects of the 2008 Romanian electoral reform on the behaviour of MPs with the help of personal interviews conducted post reform. The reform was meant to make MPs more responsive to the needs of constituents, which in turn should lead to more constituency input in the legislative process, while at the same time yielding proportional results. The paper finds that there are few channels for the transmission of constituents' needs to MPs, and the existing channels are used for petty requests that have little to do with the legislative procedure. This in turn encourages the development of clientelistic ties between representatives and voters, which benefit wealthier candidates. The study also finds that although the new system translates votes into seats closely, small parties may still be disadvantaged because of what Duverger (1954. Political parties: Their organization and activity in the modern state. New York: John Wiley) calls the psychological aspects of the wasted vote problem. 相似文献
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行政问责是指特定的问责主体针对各级政府及其公务员承担的职责和义务的履行情况进行监督,并要求其承担否定性结果的一种制度。这一制度的设立有其正当性和必要性。我国的行政问责制起步较晚,受传统文化的影响,制度设计存在缺陷;组织体系的混乱也使问责对象难以明确;缺乏统一的问责规范和完善的配套制度。应该在完善行政组织法的前提下,尽快出台行政问责条例,并健全相应的配套制度。 相似文献
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This article explores First Amendment theory and the role of the media in generating police accountability through public understanding of police organizations. We argue that free speech theory can and should look beyond "abridgment" issues and raise questions about the civic responsibility of the press to inform the public about key governmental institutions. The media's concern with crime news, we found, vastly overshadows its coverage of the police us a complex, in-teresting, and expensive governmental agency. Reporting about police institutional patterns and policies contributes more toward fulfilling First Amendment values-not only that of "checking" police excesses, but of facilitating the goal of enlightened citizen participation in local government.
Those who won our independence believed…that public discussion is a political duty; and that this should be a fundamental principle of American government. They recognized the risks to which all human institutions are subject. 相似文献
Those who won our independence believed…that public discussion is a political duty; and that this should be a fundamental principle of American government. They recognized the risks to which all human institutions are subject. 相似文献
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我国行政问责经历了一个从权力问责到制度问责、再由制度问责趋向法治问责即问责法治化的过程。问责法治化不等于问责制度化,问责制度化是问责法治化的一种表象。我国行政问责法治化对推进法治国家建设、促进社会和谐进步、加强公民权利保障和完善反腐倡廉机制都有重要的现实意义。行政问责法治化的基本理念应包括公众参与、规范统一、程序公正、权责一致、救济有力五个方面,其中公众参与理念是核心。 相似文献
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据2010年4月向B市中青干部培训班学员的问卷调查,大部分学员对B市实施问责制情况的评价不高,但对近年来全国性"问责风暴"的认同度要高得多,官员们的法治意识有所增强,但对问责制的学习和宣传还要加强。为进一步构建有效的问责制度,应明确问责决定机关,加强人大在问责中的作用,充分发挥司法机关、新闻媒体、人民群众的监督作用,还应明确问责对象、拓宽问责内容、统一问责标准。为优化问责制运行环境,还应建立有效权力监督机制,实现权力无缝隙配置。 相似文献
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行政问责制是建设责任政府、法治政府、民主政府和效能政府的重要保障。自2003年"非典"之后,我国政坛掀起了一场迅猛的"问责风暴",取得了一大批问责成果,然而,在实践过程中却凸显出一系列亟待解决的问题。因此,必须完善行政问责制度,以确保政府部门及官员真正做到有权必有责、用权受监督、违法受追究,由此建立起廉洁、高效的责任政府和服务型政府。 相似文献
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Philip C. Stenning 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2000,8(3):325-352
Substantial growth in private policing has been documented in countries throughout the world, and the division of responsibilities for policing between public and private authorities has become increasingly blurred and contested during the last three decades. Because private policing is so frequently assessed on the basis of criteria established with respect to the public police, substantial myths have developed about the powers and accountability of private police; specifically, it is commonly asserted that private police have no significant power(s), and are essentially not accountable, in comparison with the public police. The author argues that such assertions misrepresent the very substantial coercive power of private police as well as the variety of mechanisms through which they may be held accountable, and also commonly exaggerate the effective accountability of the public police. The author concludes that a greater appreciation of the actual power and accountability of private police will provide an improved basis for the development of sound public policy with respect to both private and public policing, and with respect to appropriate relationships between private and public policing organisations. 相似文献
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