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《行政论坛》2019,(2):95-102
"善治"是绩效治理的主要目标,在以公共价值为基础的政府绩效治理理论框架下,表现为以"政体"为中心、基于公共价值的政府绩效。"善政"是"善治"实现的前提,作为"善政"的重要方面,政府公共管理者的公共价值偏好及其与政府价值目标间的关系将会影响个体和组织绩效。本文以探讨"公共价值认同"与绩效的关系为研究问题,首先,在综述以往研究的基础上,提出并界定了"公共价值认同"的概念,认为"公共价值认同"包含"公共管理者个体价值偏好与集体价值偏好"以及"公共管理者集体价值偏好与政府价值目标"两个层次的一致性;其次,介绍了测量公共价值认同的方法;最后,提出四个未来研究假设。 相似文献
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Which Public Goods are Endangered?: How Evolving Communication Technologies Affect The Logic of Collective Action 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Public Choice - The theory in Mancur Olson's The Logicof Collective Action is built fromhistorically uncontroversial assumptionsabout interpersonal communication. Today,evolving technologies... 相似文献
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This article offers a brief overview of the history of Swisscommunal liberty. The author traces the development of key conceptsand practices, especially the use of covenant, that were employedto strengthen and expand the federation. The author then explainshow the cultural background of the peoples that settled Switzerlandcontributed to the formation of the polity. In a comparativeanalysis between liberal democracy and communal democracy, theauthor notes that the struggle to synthesize the conflict betweenthe theories and practices of these two forms of democracy hasbeen at the heart of Swiss politics for the last 200 years. 相似文献
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旁听、听证与公共政策民主 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
公共政策民主是公共政策内在的应然的要求,也是政治文明发展的必然诉求,而公共政策听证是一种可能的公共政策对话,一种对称性的公共政策论辩,是公共政策民主的技术基础。 相似文献
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Collaborative Public Management and Democracy: Evidence from Western Watershed Partnerships 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
William D. Leach 《Public administration review》2006,66(S1):100-110
This article provides a framework for assessing the democratic merits of collaborative public management in terms of seven normative ideals: inclusiveness, representativeness, impartiality, transparency, deliberativeness, lawfulness, and empowerment. The framework is used to analyze a random sample of 76 watershed partnerships in California and Washington State. The study reveals the exclusionary nature of some partnerships and suggests that critical stakeholders are missing from many partnerships. However, representation was generally balanced. National and statewide advocacy groups were absent from most of these place-based partnerships; public agencies were the primary source of nonlocal perspectives. Deliberativeness was relatively strong, indicated by the prevalence of educational and fact-finding strategies and participants' perceptions of respectful discussion and improved social capital. Half the partnerships had implemented new policies, and two-thirds of stakeholders believed their partnership had improved watershed conditions, indicating empowerment. 相似文献
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Civil Liberties vs. Security: Public Opinion in the Context of the Terrorist Attacks on America 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3
In the tradition of research on political tolerance and democratic rights in context, this study uses a national survey of Americans conducted shortly after the September 11, 2001 attack on America to investigate people's willingness to trade off civil liberties for greater personal safety and security. We find that the greater people's sense of threat, the lower their support for civil liberties. This effect interacts, however, with trust in government. The lower people's trust in government, the less willing they are to trade off civil liberties for security, regardless of their level of threat. African Americans are much less willing to trade civil liberties for security than whites or Latinos, even with other factors taken into account. This may reflect their long-standing commitment to the struggle for rights. Liberals are less willing to trade off civil liberties than moderates or conservatives, but liberals converge toward the position taken by conservatives when their sense of the threat of terrorism is high. While not a forecast of the future, the results indicate that Americans' commitment to democratic values is highly contingent on other concerns and that the context of a large-scale threat to national or personal security can induce a substantial willingness to give up rights. 相似文献
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PETER AUCOIN 《管理》2012,25(2):177-199
This article examines the phenomenon of increased political pressures on governments in four Westminster systems (Australia, Britain, Canada, and New Zealand) derived from changes in mass media and communications, increased transparency, expanded audit, increased competition in the political marketplace, and political polarization in the electorate. These pressures raise the risk to impartial public administration and management performance to the extent that governments integrate governance and campaigning, allow political staff to be a separate force in governance, politicize top public service posts, and expect public servants to be promiscuously partisan. The article concludes that New Zealand is best positioned to cope with these risks, in part because of its process for independently staffing its top public service posts. The article recommends this approach as well as the establishment of independently appointed management boards for public service departments and agencies to perform the governance of management function. 相似文献