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1.
浅论协调地方政府间横向关系   总被引:16,自引:1,他引:16  
随着中央与地方关系改革的发展 ,地方政府间横向关系逐步得到发展 ;而在地方政府间横向关系发展中 ,由于种种原因导致的摩擦与矛盾产生了诸多负面影响 ;因此 ,必须采取措施对地方政府间横向关系加以协调  相似文献   

2.
地方政府竞争是基于中央政府与地方政府关系、地方政府间的法制环境,在我国,主要包括地方政府的法律地位、地方财税制度、政绩考核制度、反垄断制度.由于法制环境的不完善,导致地方政府竞争处于困境,不适应科学发展观的新要求.而要充分发挥地方政府竞争的正效应,克服负外部性,有必要从法制途径进行规范.其基本思路是:完善中央与地方权限的划分制度;改革户籍制度和选举制度;完善地方财政税收制度;建立以提供公共服务能力为中心的多元标准的绩效评定机制;完善反垄断制度和司法监督制度.  相似文献   

3.
By analyzing why English local governments have made extensive use of long-term market loans with embedded derivatives, this paper seeks to contribute to the growing literature on local government financialization. Using an original, large-N panel dataset for the period from 1998 to 2014, we show that the configuration of the local political economy is an important driver of financialization processes: a Labour Party majority as well as fiscal and economic stress make it more likely that councils adopt risky financial instruments. As the use of financial innovations has also diffused geographically, policy diffusion impacts local governments as well. Highlighting the conditional effect of finance sector power, which only increases the use of financial innovations in very large councils, as well as the temporal dimension of fiscal and economic stress, we create ample avenues for further research.  相似文献   

4.
This paper explores the variations among local governments in the composition of tax revenues, or more specifically, in the relative use of property taxes. Using a median voter framework, various hypotheses are developed concerning the factors that should influence the relative use of property taxes. A cross-sectional sample of central cities is employed to test the hypotheses. The empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses.  相似文献   

5.
近年来,地方政府间合作成为我国府际关系研究的新热点.本文通过对该领域研究的透视,分析未来我国该领域研究需要重点加强的方向.指出深入展开地方政府间合作研究,探讨新时期有效的地方政府间合作模式与途径,为我国地方政府间新型合作关系的建立提出既具有理论深度,而又能指导实践的理论支持和政策建议,成为新世纪我国府际关系研究的重要课胚.  相似文献   

6.
转型期我国地方政府间恶性竞争的制度分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
行政性分权造成的中央政府与地方政府的事权、财权体制的不完善扭曲了地方政府作为利益主体的竞争意识.但在同时,由于激励机制的缺陷和约束机制的孱弱,导致了地方政府间的恶性竞争,并出现了不容忽视的负面效应.  相似文献   

7.
Although the Reagan Administration tax reform proposals would reduce federal income tax liabilities for most taxpayers, federal tax reform would also create strong pressures on state and local governments to cut taxes and public services. These pressures would arise primarily because itemizers would no longer be able to deduct state and local taxes in determining their federal income tax liabilities. In New York City and Boston, it is likely that the Administration's tax reform would induce cuts in spending that range from 2.5 to 7.5 percent. While the elimination of state and local tax deductibility may promote allocative efficiency in the provision of local public goods, the cost would be a decline in the degree of redistribution through the state and local public sector, and a reduction in local public services for the poor.  相似文献   

8.
There have been widespread attempts to implement PPBS or at least some of its major concepts, in local and state governments beginning in 1965. The majority of this effort has focused around the development of the structural aspects, including statements of general objectives, development of program structures, and preparation of program budgets. The use of multi-year projections and improved output measurement has begun to gain interest. Recent progress, particularly in the latter, has been encouraging. However, progress in the undertaking of the type of program and policy analysis called for by PPBS has been slow with few exceptions. The lack of quality analytical staffs inside state and local governments has been perhaps the major obstacle.This paper is a revision of a paper prepared for the Department of Housing and Urban Development as a working paper for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of HUD, OECD, or The Urban Institute.  相似文献   

9.
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11.
We use US county level data from 1970 to 1998 to explore the relationship between economic growth and government employment at three levels: federal, state and local. Increases in federal, state and local government employments are all negatively related to economic growth. We find no evidence that government is more efficient at lower levels. While we cannot separate out the productive and redistributive services of government, we document that the county-level income distribution became slightly more unequal from 1970 to 1998. We conclude that a release of government-employed labor inputs to the private sector would be growth-enhancing.  相似文献   

12.
There is a growing interest within universities in the operation of state and local governments, and in the services they provide. An example of this interest is the Program for Urban and Policy Sciences (UPS) at the State University of New York at Stony Brook.Since its inception two years ago, it has been the operating policy of the Program to direct its principal research activities to real and immediate problems facing state and local governments in the New York area. In each of the collaborative efforts undertaken with an outside agency, we have seen our role as that of both problem analysts and catalytic agents for bringing about change. This means our faculty and students actively participate in the policy formulation and policy implementation processes. A case study of a cooperative effort undertaken with the Environmental Protection Administration of New York City illustrates these ideas.We believe that a successful university program should combine research with real world experience; the university should encourage the faculty to broaden the scope of their activities; and students, particularly those from minorities, should be trained for professional careers as planning and program analysts.Work reported in this paper has been supported by the National Science Foundation under grant GI-5. A similar version of the paper was presented at the American Political Science Association Conference, September 6–11, 1971, Chicago, Illinois and at the ORSA Conference, October 28, 1971, Anaheim, California.  相似文献   

13.
Skidmore  Mark 《Public Choice》1999,99(1-2):77-102
This paper uses comprehensive data on state and local tax and spending limitations for forty-nine states between 1976 and 1990 to estimate the effects of these limits on the fiscal relationships between state and local government. Results indicate that tax and spending limits on local governments are only partially effective in reducing revenues because political agents bypass limitations by transferring revenue reliance to unconstrained revenue sources, or because unconstrained levels of government take on additional revenue responsibilities. In particular, the empirical analysis demonstrates that binding local government fiscal constraints are associated with reductions in local revenues and increases in state aid to local governments. In contrast, state government limitations are related to reductions in both state and local own source revenues.  相似文献   

14.
Lars-Erik Borge 《Public Choice》1995,83(3-4):353-373
This paper presents an empirical analysis of the determinants of fee income in Norweigan local governments. The point of departure is a representative voter model emphasizing the effects of pure economic variables. The benchmark model is extended by including two aspects of the political system: ideology and strength. It is evident that increased socialist influence increases the size of the local public sector, while a strong political leadership has an advantage in opposing pressure to increase spending.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract. The argument presented is that political culture and institutional structures independently shape government performance. This is consistent with Putnam et al.'s (1983) initial argument that 'endogenous' and 'exogenous' factors are independently at work in shaping institutional performance. It is hypothesized that: (I) social capital within a community positively contributes to government performance, and (2) governmental institutional forms that minimize the number of veto players in the decision making process generate performance superior to those where the number of veto players is large. An analysis of cross–sectional data (mainly drawn from surveys of citizens and elites) on 30 small– to medium–size municipalities in East and West Germany from the year 1995 is undertaken to evaluate these hypotheses. The results from this analysis lead to the following conclusions. Higher social capital within the elite political culture of a community leads to greater citizen satisfaction with local government performance. Local government structures where power is centralized (and thus the number of veto players minimized) generate greater citizen satisfaction with government performance than do those where the distribution of power is more diffuse.  相似文献   

16.
China's name derives from “china” (porcelain), and “China” (pronounced as “Changnan”) is the former name of Jingdezhen, the capital city of porcelain—through whose exports of “blue‐and‐white” china the country gained international renown. The 2200‐year‐old porcelain cluster in Jingdezhen has survived through multiple empires with distinct policies towards the development of the city's dominant industry. This in‐depth case study examines interactions between local government and the business community to discover the effectiveness of policies and the perception of those policies by entrepreneurs through qualitative research employing Grounded Theory methodology. The centralized institutional structure in China contributes significantly to the findings of a total split of “government action” from “public perception” and leads to new considerations for policy‐makers to redesign their economic development strategies and plans to engender real effects in the desired direction. This paper also provides an exemplary lesson for historical cultural clusters seeking to escape from unfavorable policy interference. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

17.
Wen Guo 《政策研究评论》2023,40(1):153-175
This article studies the formation of a local Creative Placemaking (CPM) policy network based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and social capital perspective of policy networks. This article hypothesizes that policy beliefs, policy learning, social capital, and the perceived risks induced by defections, as well as macro-level changes in the broader political and socio-economic system, influence partner selection in the local CPM policy networks. The study collected survey data from policy actors participating in the Franklinton CPM-catalyzed revitalization project in Columbus, Ohio. An exponential random graph model (ERGM) was applied to test the hypotheses. The findings partially support the hypotheses: policy learning, certain secondary policy beliefs, and risk perceptions of changes in economic and political factors are correlated with tie formation. The reciprocity-driven bonding structure underlies the Franklinton CPM policy network, suggesting that policy actors perceive the Franklinton CPM policy network as a high-defection-risk network. This study has implications for policy makers in designing engagement strategies to better involve stakeholders holding different beliefs and occupying different network positions.  相似文献   

18.
From 1974 to 1980, many conservation and renewable energy policies were adopted at the state level in the United States. Some states were particularly active in enacting such policies while others were totally inactive. The variation in state policy activity is only modestly related to the states' past policy innovation traditions and conservation/renewable energy opportunities. Differences in energy vulnerability, and the relative hardship imposed by the energy crisis, have apparently had even less impact on the adoption pattern. These weak or insignificant relationships are typical of other efforts to explain state energy policy variations and are attributed to six qualitative factors: Federal preemption and inconsistency, ambivalent public opinion, conflicting values, lack of information on state energy conditions, and ignorance of the impacts of renewable energy and conservation policies. The findings identify several actions to increase sensitivity toward state energy conditions in policymaking.  相似文献   

19.
Individuals' risk perceptions shape their attitudes and behaviors, and to the extent that governments respond to public demands, they also influence public policy priorities. Conversely, risk misperceptions—that is, when risk perceptions do not align with realities—may lead to suboptimal behaviors and inefficient public policy. This study investigates the phenomena of environmental risk misperceptions. Specifically, with an original survey that enables a direct comparison of perceived and actual environmental risks at the local level, it examines the relationships between personal attributes and risk misperceptions. The findings show that individuals exhibit optimism bias in assessing local environmental risk. On average, people rank their communities as experiencing less risk from toxic air pollution than objective measures suggest. Moreover, Whites, males, conservatives, and older people tend to have larger optimism bias and have lower chances of possessing correct risk perceptions than their counterparts, respectively, while respondents who are married, poor, who go to church regularly, and have strong pro-environmental orientation, tend to have smaller optimism bias and have higher chances of possessing correct risk perceptions than their respective counterparts. The systematic misperception of local environmental risk underscores the importance of information provision and risk communication, and the sociopolitical correlates of misperception suggest that targeted and more nuanced strategies are required to correct misperceptions.  相似文献   

20.
The utility of both local governments and community‐based organisations can be considerably enhanced when these agencies work in partnership with one another. Different roles will be played by local governments and community organisations in different types of partnership arrangements. Distinguishing among these roles helps allocate responsibilities better among the partner agencies, and it is also helpful for scheduling implementation, devising appropriate capacity building programmes and designing suitable accountability mechanisms. An analytical framework to help with these tasks is developed and presented in this article. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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