冷战后的美日关系

冷战结束后,美日之间的特殊同盟关系因共同敌人苏联不复存在而发生重大变化,并导致基本利益的碰撞:贸易领域的摩擦日趋激烈;对东亚地区经济的主导权之争正在加剧;对安全问题的龃龋亦在发展。 在美日关系中,尽管出现了激烈的相互竞争,但现在它们之间的相互合作仍是主要方面,其原因是:在经济上相互依赖很深;在安全战略上仍有共同需要;在政治上仍需相互支持。 今后一个时期,美日关系将是既合作又竞争,磨擦与协调并存,冲突与妥协交替,时起时伏,曲折发展,逐步向21世纪的角逐过渡。     

全面解读冷战后日本国家战略的变革与影响--从模糊战略到清晰战略的转型

冷战后,日本国家战略思想从冷战时期的理想主义向现实主义转变.在具体形态上,则从冷战时期美日同盟体制下的非自主性模糊战略逐步转向强调自主外交的清晰战略;在战略理念上日益强调国家利益,进而强调"日美共同价值".以申请"入常"为标志,日本正逐步从地区大国战略向世界大国战略演变,目前这一过程仍在酝酿、发展之中.冷战后,日本国家战略转型的两大基本任务是实现"普通国家化"和如何应对中国的崛起.为此,中国如何应对日本国家战略的转变,是一项十分迫切的现实课题.     

冷战期间美国对东南亚政策的演变

从 1 945年到 1 991年 ,在长达半个世纪的美苏冷战中 ,双方在全球范围内展开了激烈的争夺和对峙。东南亚地区就是美苏角逐的一个重要舞台。整个冷战期间 ,东南亚国家在内政、外交、军事、经济等方面无一不深深地打上了美苏冷战的烙印。美国对东南亚的政策有一个演变的过程。从二战胜利到冷战完结这段时间 ,可以划分为五个时期。一第一个时期是 40年代后半期 ,即从二战结束到朝鲜战争爆发。在这段时期里 ,美国在远东的利益和政策核心主要是中国 ,东南亚在其外交天平上相对较轻。美国一直忙于帮助国民党打内战 ,对东南亚地区较少顾及 ,对东南…     

冷战后以色列的安全战略

冷战后以色列的安全战略●王泽胜冷战后，由于中东地区安全形势的变化，以色列面临着许多安全上的新问题。种种迹象表明，为适应世界形势和中东地区安全格局的新变化，以色列对它的国家战略进行了大幅度调整，其安全战略已从冷战时期的扩张领土、抢夺资源求安全转到通过和...     

冷战时期美国的南亚战略与美印关系

本文重点分析了冷战时期美国的南亚战略，考察了冷战时期美国与印度关系演变的历史轨迹，分析了美国通过发展与印度的双边关系以反击苏联在南亚的战略利益的战略，并论证了限制美印关系的若干因素。     

冷战后日本地区主义的实践及其动因

战略上日本虽长期坚持"脱亚入欧"、"作为西方的一员",但始终没有放弃其在亚洲的"努力".特别是冷战后,日本进一步加大了融入亚洲的步伐.当前,高举地区主义旗帜的民主党政府,其实是延续了冷战结束以来日本一直在实行的地区主义战略.日本做出回归亚洲的选择,一方面是为了实现本国的经济复兴和发展;另一方面,也是为了实现其政治大国的长久理想.     

后冷战时期冷战思维的产物——日美新防卫合作指针评析

冷战时期结束后，世界形势发展趋缓，和平与发展成为世界主流。因此，此前形成的所有冷战工具皆应废弃。然而，美国不仅仍坚持其全球战略，而且为促其实现继续坚持和发展与盟国的同盟关系。日美新防卫合作指针即是在后冷战时期形势下为加强和扩大日美安保体制所构筑的新军事同盟，它仍然是实现美国全球战略的重要一环，毫无疑问，它是顽固坚持冷战思维的产物     

冷战与越战的起源

冷战 ,指的是二次世界大战结束以后形成的各自以苏联和美国为首的东西方两大政治、军事集团之间的紧张斗争和较量。这种斗争的形式既是和平的也是非和平的。苏联和美国是冷战的主角 ,它们之间的关系构成了东西方冷战的核心内容 ①。一般把1947年美国“杜鲁门主义”的出台作为冷战开始的标志 ,把1991年苏联的解体作为冷战结束的标志 ,持续时间长达44年之久。越南战争是指二战后美国在越南进行的干涉和战争。关于越战的起始时间 ,学术界说法不一 ,笔者以1961年肯尼迪发动特种战争为标志②。越战的起源与冷战有着密切的联系。一、20世纪50年代…     

“新冷战”问题探析

近来“新冷战”问题成为国际社会关注的新热点。新冷战是一种围绕利益、势力和权力的国际性遏制、对峙和对抗。尽管俄美之间的关系出现紧张状态，目前的冲突具有某些冷战的特征，但新冷战并没有发生，也并不表示世界已经进入新冷战时代，或新冷战必然发生。同时，新冷战的可能性也不能完全排除。从总体上看，近期内中美俄关系发生剧变或陷入新冷战的可能性不大。金融危机的发生进一步削弱了这种可能性。     

冷战后美国军事战略的调整

冷战结束后，随着安全形势的变化，美国先后三次调整其军事战略，相继出台了“地区防务”战略、“灵活与选择参与”战略和“营造、反应、准备”军事战略，从这三次调整中大体可以看出美国军事战略的发展脉络。（一）军事战略的进攻性逐渐增强。冷战后美国军事战略的调整是...     

伊拉克战争中的心战手法综述

古往今来,军事谋略家都重视舆论宣传在战争中的重要作用。我国著名军事家孙子曰:“攻心为上,攻城为下。”诸葛亮也曾言道“心战为上,兵战为下”。伴随着现代传播技术和媒体的迅猛发展,舆论宣传战已成为一种重要作战手段。人们从伊拉克战争中美伊双方的攻守,更是很好地领略到了这一点。     

Vietnam's Better War

When General Creighton Abrams took command of U.S. forces in Vietnam a better war resulted from his superior understanding of the war and more effective conduct of it, including improvement of South Vietnam's armed forces and emphasis on pacification. As American forces were progressively withdrawn, the South Vietnamese took on more and more of the load, winning the counterinsurgency war and fighting valiantly and effectively against the enemy's conventional invasion until the United States Congress drastically reduced materiel and financial assistance at the same time communist forces received massively increased support from their patrons. Thus, inevitably, South Vietnam succumbed.     

The War over Iraq: Selling War to the American Public

The Holocaust has become an important part of the everyday discourse of American life. Indeed, it has become one of the central historical analogies for thinking about U.S. foreign policy in the post-Cold War world. The received wisdom about the Holocaust among most Americans is that the United States and the rest of the civilized world turned away Jews seeking to escape Nazi Germany before World War II, and then sat idly by while the Third Reich murdered nearly 6 million of them during the course of the war. In light of this reprehensible indifference, the United States shares some responsibility for the Holocaust, and it must “never again” allow large numbers of people to be slaughtered because of their race, ethnicity, or religion. Historical analogies are ubiquitous in foreign policy debates. Not only do they routinely shape state behavior, they usually do so for the worse. Hence, we should be wary of all historical analogies and examine them carefully to make sure they are based on sound history and used wisely by policymakers. The widely accepted Holocaust analogy illustrates, in my view, both how analogies are frequently based on a faulty reading of history and that policies based on them have not always served U.S. interests.     

从战争到战争:论一战对二战的影响

本文以第一次世界大战与第二次世界大战的战争本质中的"共同点"为基础展开讨论。这两场战争都是大规模的工业化战争,均历经过度的、失控的暴力、死亡和破坏。它们不仅见证了包括新技术和强大武器在内的军事方法和战争手段的发展,也见证了全面的扩张,或者说是战争向人类生活各个领域的越界(Entgrenzung)。在两次世界大战中,扩张或者侵略的概念已经延伸并超越"总体战"的概念范畴。如果忽略德国记忆的存在和对大战争的解读,只谈"第二次战争"是绝对不全面的,20世纪30年代的德国社会目睹了——一代人的——第一次世界大战的异化,即一战逐渐失去了在记忆中的重要位置。随后的世界大战用大规模屠杀、破碎的档案和巨大的破坏强化了该进程。更多的受害者,特别是平民百姓的死难,对六百万欧洲犹太人的谋杀使这场规模宏大的暴力的越界达到了巅峰,这一切都使第一次世界大战似乎成了第二次世界大战的灾难的序曲。     

伊拉克战争:呈现战争新趋势的一个样本

自2003年3月23日美国发动伊拉克战争迄今已历四年。四年来,美国软硬实力、内政外交因为这场战争而发生了什么样的变化?国际战略形势又随之出现了哪些变迁?对中国而言,加速发展的战略机遇期是否还将持续?伊拉克战争本身又带来哪些启示?围绕这些问题,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“伊拉克战争四周年国际战略形势”专题研讨会,邀请一些知名国际问题专家进行了深入探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者更好地理解和把握这些问题有所裨益。     

Arms Negotiation,War Exhaustion,and the Credibility of Preventive War

Why do some states agree to suspend their weapons programs in exchange for compensation while others fail to come to terms? I argue that the changing credibility of preventive war is an important determinant of arms construction. If preventive war is never an option, states can reach mutually preferable settlements. However, if preventive war is not credible today but will be credible in the future, a commitment problem results: the state considering investment faces a “window of opportunity” and must build the arms or it will not receive concessions later on. Thus, agreements fail under these conditions. I then apply the theoretical findings to the Soviet Union’s decision to build nuclear weapons in 1949. War exhaustion made preventive war not credible for the United States immediately following World War II, but lingering concerns about future preventive action induced Moscow to proliferate.     

Re-negotiating the Just War: The Invasion of Iraq and Punitive War

This article examines the arguments pertaining to punitive war presented by President George W Bush, Prime Minister Tony Blair and various just war theorists, in order to examine how they relate, first, to the case made for war against Iraq in 2003 and, second, to the classical just war tradition. In highlighting the confluence between contemporary justificatory rhetoric and the classical just war tradition, this article sketches an account of the mode by which the tradition has developed over time. By drawing attention to the homologies linking just war arguments, classical and contemporary, it constructs a basis for a critical perspective: understanding the idea of punishment as it has figured historically in just war tradition past may enable us to gain a degree of critical purchase on how it figures in just war tradition present.     

Exception in Cold War

In the Cold War, India mainly focused its Southeast Asia Strategy on preserving the regional peace and stability, fearing that changes in Southeast Asia would impact India. Generally speaking, India would like to see a relatively strong, stable and independent Southeast Asia, which would guarantee the stability of its east wing. However, fettered by its limited power, its non-alignment policy and its special relation with Soviet Union, India‘s policy toward Southeast Asia remained relatively passive and its relation with Southeast Asia was, to some extent, trapped in a historical “intermission.“……     

War and the East

This article proposes three lesson plans for teaching Asian military history to High School students. Each case study—Sun Tzu's Art of War, the Mongols, and the Rise and Fall of Imperial Japan—is structured around a primary source in translation and is designed to highlight the depth and diversity of the Asian experience with war. They allow us to see the East as more than a venue for the West's wars and also to appreciate the array of indigenous military and strategic cultures that have arisen and competed in Asia over the last three millennia.