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1.
二战后,主要大国确立了以联合国为核心的雅尔塔体系,成为维系战后秩序和开展全球治理的基石。美苏主宰世界及权力集中于少数大国的霸权治理成为这一时期全球治理体系的主要特征。冷战结束后,全球治理出现权力转移和扩散,全球治理体系发生变革与转型,即由实力决定的权力型全球治理体系向以解决问题为导向的合作型全球治理体系转变。全球治理体系变革与转型的主要特征是霸权治理的衰落和合作治理的兴起。这种变革与转型主要表现在全球治理体系的“去中心化”倾向、联合国推动和主导的全球治理取得重大进展、大量新兴治理组织和机制兴起等。未来全球治理体系变革的方向是积极推动合作治理,实现全球治理体系从“权力逻辑”到“能力逻辑”、从“国家”到“非国家”、从“传统”到“非传统”、从“全球型”到“地区型”、从“经济型”到“社会型”的转型。  相似文献   

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<正>新兴国家崛起与金砖国家合作机制的建立一、新兴国家经济的群体性崛起冷战后尤其是新世纪以来,新兴国家的经济取得了突出表现,并因此成为世界瞩目的焦点。在经济增长方面,2000—2013年期间,新兴市场与发展中国家平均增长率为6.1%,其中金砖国家平均增长率为6.9%,分  相似文献   

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金砖+合作模式是对全球治理机制建设的创新贡献。机制互动和机制关联理论通过聚焦机制+,为探讨金砖+合作模式提供了有用的分析视角。金砖+合作模式注重拓宽地域范围,坚持灵活渐进,秉持发展优先原则。中国推进金砖+合作模式的制度创新,通过机制+跨区域成员国的实践路径,密切了新兴市场国家与发展中国家的合作,夯实了金砖国家作为新兴市场国家的集体身份认同,使金砖国家合作机制真正成为具有全球影响力的国际机制。因此,对金砖+合作模式的创新与完善,是中国推动全球治理制度改革、提升制度性话语权、推进与一带一路倡议进行战略对接、构建新型国际关系的重要尝试。  相似文献   

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金砖国家都是全球能源市场上举足轻重的角色,面临共同的压力与挑战,具有大致相同的能源利益与诉求。金砖国家应该建立开放性的多边能源合作机制,并在国际能源治理中发挥积极的、建设性的作用。金砖国家加强能源领域的多边合作,可以优势互补,整体推动国际新能源、新秩序的构建。金砖国家的能源合作应该坚持包容性原则,建立金砖国家的能源协调机制,深化能源合作的关键性领域,通过扩大金砖国家的国际参与,提高金砖国家参与全球能源治理的能力。  相似文献   

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面对日益凸显的全球治理赤字和地缘政治挑战,东盟将参与全球治理作为维护区域安全稳定、促进经济社会发展、提升国际地位和影响、推动全球经济政治秩序改革的重要途径。长期以来,东盟积极参与区域与全球安全治理,从区域层面补充和完善全球经济治理机制,促进实现全球发展目标,加强应对气候变化的能力建设。东盟参与全球治理的战略与实践表现出以维护东盟中心地位为主体的治理导向、强调主权平等与不干涉内政的治理原则、重视协商与关系的软性治理机制、坚持开放包容的多边主义治理路径等诸多特征。在世界百年未有之大变局背景下,东盟参与全球治理也面临着大国战略博弈加剧、逆全球化与单边主义上升、内部凝聚力下降、新冠肺炎疫情持续冲击以及成员国国内政局不稳等多重复杂挑战。为此,东盟通过维持大国对冲战略、维护多边主义、加强多边合作、深化东盟一体化建设等具体措施,积极促进参与全球治理的进程,逐渐实现从全球治理跟随者向自觉推动者的转变。  相似文献   

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本文梳理了治理、善治和全球治理概念的产生过程以及联合国在概念发展过程中所起的作用。尽管治理概念与人类历史一样悠久,但本文关注的只是20世纪80年代和90年代的理论争辩,不过,本文也探讨了去殖民化、地方化和人权等与联合国有关的早期观念,而这些观念恰恰是较为晚近的思想所反对的。本文分析的视角侧重学者的看法和国际关系领域的工作者的观点。在他们看来,治理指代一整套公共的和私人的复杂结构和程序,而一些通俗的作家却倾向于认为治理就是统治。  相似文献   

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全球治理的转型——从世界治理中国到中国治理世界?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中国与全球治理之间的关系,最值得讨论的问题之一正是中国在"全球治理转型"中的作用。"全球治理转型"的题中应有之义是中国不仅让世界治理自己,而且自己能够去治理世界。自从20世纪80年代中国加入国际金融机构(国际货币基金组织和世界银行)和联  相似文献   

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赵晨光 《当代世界》2010,(10):62-64
当今世界,全球化加速发展,学术界新兴的全球治理理论作为一种新的调色方法,从新的视角搭配着世界调色板的色彩方案。本文以发展中国家的视角进行分析、批判,旨在对全球治理理论的不足与缺失进行修补,希望使之更加全面、丰富、人性。  相似文献   

9.
G7向G20转变的根本原因在于“新兴经济体”的崛起及由此引发的世界经济结构变迁.由于结构的变迁,G7/8这一旧的治理机制不仅失去了合法性,更重要的是失去了在各问题领域的控制或主导能力.G7/8的失效及结构与制度间越来越大的“鸿沟”,使构建能够容纳“新兴经济体”参与的新治理制度变得十分迫切,危机中产生的G20正顺应了这种趋势.尽管如此,在G20的创建前后,G7/8仍显示出抵制变革的巨大“惰性”.非G7/8国家目前正通过议题置换、集团化等方式谋求在G20内部发展中国家的更大影响力,以平衡G7/8.  相似文献   

10.
由于国际环境、中国政治发展、政治学主流方向等影响因素的变化,西方学者在不同历史阶段对当代中国民主政治的发展形成了不同的研究视角,国家治理视角就是近十多年来颇为重要的一个研究视角。其主要特征是:强调民主能为国家建构和有效治理做些什么?反过来,善治对民主政治发展又具有怎样的意义?受国家治理视角影响,西方学者围绕中国特色社会主义民主政治的发展,从政党—国家民主、基层民主、法治民主、弹性威权主义以及非正式制度的民主化几个层面形成了一些值得深思的看法。  相似文献   

11.
The article deals with new modes of representation of Croatian contemporary history. It argues that the Croatian grand narrative of the twentieth century is presented as the continuous fight of Croats for their nation-state. All historical events in the narrative are appraised as beneficial or harmful only in how they contributed to the creation of the state. The pattern of representation in heavily ethnocentric. The constructed self-image of the Croatian nation portrays Croats as humiliated and repressed by various others in the twentieth century. Croats are represented as the victims of other national groups and of history. The notion of historical responsibility is nonexistent for the analysed period.  相似文献   

12.
Research on terrorism and counterterrorism draws on many disciplines, including Politics, History, Sociology and Anthropology. Yet there are concerns about scope, methodology, impact, and the level of public debate. An agreed definition of terrorism is unattainable: there should be more focus on particular acts rather than labelling whole movements. The threat of terrorism should be kept in proportion. Understanding its causes, and associated belief-systems, is crucial to conducting effective counterterrorist operations. Evaluations of the effectiveness of both terrorism and counterterrorism need to encompass more factors, including terrorism's deadliest legacies: wars on terror that fail, and a habit of violence.  相似文献   

13.
This study examines the prospects for new European Union (EU) member countries in pursuing their foreign policy objectives in relations with China. Both the Czech Republic and Slovakia cherished an idea of making China an alternative economic partner. However, after 1989, China perceived these states as minor, almost unimportant partners, regardless of their efforts. Their profile was raised by EU accession but there was little change in their strength in terms of bilateral relations with China. The article investigates the failures and partial successes of the Czech and Slovak relationships with China, comparing their different approaches to the balance between focusing on political and human rights issues and the pursuit of economic and business interests.  相似文献   

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Jewish-Palestinian Relations in Israel: From Hegemony to Equality?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This article focuses on the relationships between the Jewish majority and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Opening with a historical perspective that emphasizes the marginality of the minority, the article proceeds to describe empirically that minority's inferior and subservient condition. The third section proposes an elaborate conceptual framework for analyzing politics in deeply divided societies and then applies it to the Israeli case. The final part addresses the possibility of transforming Israel's political system from one that is ethnically hegemonic and democratically flawed into a polity that is open, inclusive, and genuinely democratic. The article identifies ways for effecting such a systemic transformation through individual-based approaches (especially liberal democracy) and group-based designs (consociationalism, multinationalism, federalism, cantonization, and autonomy).  相似文献   

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FOR THE FORMER SOVIET REPUBLIC OF TURKMENISTAN agriculture is the single most important economic activity in that more than 40% of the population is directly in its employ. For a greater number of people it represents a major secondary income source, which in the economic crisis of the post-independence period has assumed even greater significance. With agriculture in Turkmenistan being almost totally dependent on irrigation, access to water is essential and the control and management of the region's water resources has long been an important factor in Turkmen history. Archaeological and historical records indicate that the amount of land irrigated in the region has varied considerably over time. During periods of political stability, often when a single polity ruled over the area, irrigation flourished, but declined after periods of invasion or when internal political conditions were unstable. It was during the 70 years that Turkmenistan was part of the Soviet Union, however, that the region's irrigation network reached its greatest extent with the construction of huge, highly integrated systems which allowed large tracts of desert to be cultivated. But what are the implications of the collapse of the Soviet Union for irrigated agriculture in Central Asia? Will there be, as has been seen in the past, a decline in irrigation now that there is no longer centralised management and funding or can Turkmenistan buck the trend and maintain its irrigation network which is so essential to the republic's economy? In this article we assess the impact of the break-up of the Soviet Union on water management strategies in Turkmenistan. In particular we focus on the Karakum canal, which is the world's largest irrigation canal and feeds an area of approximately one million hectares. The problems of managing such a system are highlighted and some of the different ways in which future management may be directed are discussed.  相似文献   

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