制定国家青年政策的国际经验

联合国青年政策框架和各国制定青年政策的理论及实践表明,国家青年政策的制定必须在立足于本国．国情的同时又注意借鉴国际经验,并对“青年”等基本概念做出明确界定,阐明青年与自然、青年与社会等基本关系,把青年作为未来力量与现实力量的集合体和问题与潜力的统一体。     

Municipal politics and government: development of the field in Canadian political science

Abstract. Following what has become almost a tradition within the Canadian discipline of political science, this paper attempts an analysis of the development of one field in that discipline. In a sense, a main purpose of the paper is to define the boundaries of the field, an exercise which, given the nature of the field, results in a rather personal definition. Two approaches are taken. First there is a review of the Canadian literature since 1886. That review helps identify the more important sub-fields and analytical approaches. Secondly, the paper reports on a survey of the ways the field is presently taught in Canadian universities and colleges. Assuming that an image of a discipline or of a field is most accurately obtained by examining both writings over time and teaching approaches, the analysis proceeds to identify some of the problems within the field, and offers suggestions for future development of it. The author concludes that because of the highly eclectic nature of the field, in terms of both scope of subject matter and in approaches to analysis, there is a need for more integration among the sub-fields.     

跨国有组织犯罪与失败国家:挑战与应对

跨国有组织犯罪已经成为国际社会的共同威胁,需要国家间采取协调的行动予以应对,但失败国家成为国际合作的短板,并为有组织犯罪提供了主权下的庇护。军事强国倾向于采取军事行动打击外国领土上的犯罪组织,这种做法违反国际法。失败国家领土上的有组织犯罪问题可以在联合国集体安全框架下解决,在安理会授权下,由参与维和行动的联合国警察承担在战后国家里预防、阻止和消除有组织犯罪的职责。     

论跨国界污染的国家责任

跨国界污染造成的严重环境损害已经引起了国际社会的普遍关注,实施可持续发展战略必须解决跨国界污染问题,确定污染事件中的国家责任是解决跨国界污染的关键环节。1972年《斯德哥尔摩人类环境宣言》指出:“各国应进行合作以进一步发展有关它们管辖或控制之内的活动对他们管辖以外的环境造成的污染和其他环境损害的受害者承担责任和赔偿问题的国际法。”没有国家责任制度,就没有国际法。完善国家责任制度的目的就是要通过国际法改善和加强国际环境的保护。     

Meech Lake and free trade: studies in Canadian federalism

Canada: Its Framework, Its Foibles, Its Future. By Allan E. Blakeney . 1988 Kenneth R. MacGregor Lecture. Navigating Meech Lake. Edited by Clive Thomson . Federal Leadership in Social and Economic Policy. By Peter M. Leslie . National Citizenships and Provincial Communities: A Review of Canadian Fiscal Federalism and Ethnonationalism in a Federal State: The Case of Canada. By Peter M. Leslie . Research Papers 23 and 24. Canada: The State of the Federation 1987–88. Edited by Peter M. Leslie and Ronald L. Watts .     

毒品跨境替代种植问题与对策思考

虽然各国对毒品问题早已关注并开展研究,积极探索有效途径,力求尽可能地防止和消除毒品的危害,但现实情况是毒品产量不断提高,吸毒人口不断增加。在国际毒潮的侵袭中,中国由以前的毒品过境地和受害地形成一个毒品消费市场。云南特殊的地理环境成为毒品的重灾区。为此云南省政府借鉴国际经验,开始帮助缅甸、老挝开展毒品替代种植、替代产业的综合整治工作,取得了明显的效果,但在实际工作中也存在一些问题和困难。这些问题能否得到有效的解决,成为制约替代种植工作能否进一步开展的瓶颈。     

Policing: Fundamental principles in a Canadian context

This article provides an introduction to the place of Canada's police in the public service. It identifies what makes Canada's police services distinct from other parts of the public service, considers the principles under which policing is expected to operate in democratic systems, and reviews current policing challenges. Public understanding of police and police work may not be accurate, since perceptions may be overly influenced by fictional depictions of law enforcement and by police themselves. Incomplete understandings can influence public policy making, including funding decisions, to the detriment of good policing. Finally, the article observes that there may be insufficient research on policing given its aggregate cost and importance to a successful civil society.     

Second chambers: German experience and Canadian needs

Abstract The problem of constitutional reform was an important Canadian political issue from 1967 to 1971. The lengthy discussions failed to produce any cohesive results due to the inability of the various governments to reconcile their particular interests. One of the areas of concern was the makeup and the powers of the Senate. As a federally appointed body it has not fulfilled in any satisfactory way its role as a representative of the regional interests of Canada. Despite the acknowledged dissatisfaction with its present role, the various governments were unable to agree on a more effective one and the best that could be offered was some partial provincial power of appointment along with the limitation of the power of the Senate over legislation. It is the purpose of this article to suggest that a state of affairs has been reached in the Canadian federation where more positive measures are essential. Whether we like the idea or not, it must be recognized that under present conditions provinces are seeking and obtaining greater power over national policies without accepting any direct political responsibility for their activities. One answer to this problem which has never been fully examined is that adopted under the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. In that country the second chamber, the Bundesrat, is directly representative of the state governments and has extensive powers of veto over all matters affecting the state (Land) interests as well as a suspensive power over other national matters. The effective authority of the states is greatly enhanced in this respect by the fact that they are responsible for the administration of many of the federal laws. Such a system may not be adaptable to Canada, but it might provide a means of reconciling provincial and national interests. It would combine provincial power with political responsibility, something sadly lacking at the present time. This is a matter worthy of much deeper study than has been applied to date. Sommaire. Le problème de la réforme constitutionnelle a été une question politique d'actualité au Canada de 1967 à 1971. Des débats prolongé n'ont pas réussi à produire résultats cohérents, les différents gouvernements s'étant montrés incapables de concilier leurs intérêts particuliers. L'un des sujets à l'étude avait été la composition et les pouvoirs du sénat. En tant qu'organisme dont les membres sont nommés par le gouvernement central, il n'a pas réussi à représenter de façon satisfaisante les intérêts régionaux du Canada. Mais bien que les différents gouvernements se soient déclarés peu satisfaits de son rôle actuel, ils n'ont pas réussi à se mettre d'accord sur les améliorations à apporter et ils n'ont pu proposer miew qu'un pouvoir provincial partiel de nomination ainsi que la limitation des pouvoirs du sénat sur la législation. Le but de cet article est de montrer que la Fédération canadienne en est arrivée à un point où des mesures plus positives sont essentielles. Que cela non plaise ou non, il faut reconnaître que dans les conditions actuelles, les provinces recherchent et obtiennent plus de pouvoirs sur les politiques nationales sans accepter de responsabilité politique directe pour leurs activités. L'une des solutions à ce problème qui n'a jamais étéétudiéà fond est celle qu'a adoptée la loi fondamentale de la République fédérale allemande. Dans ce pays la deuxième chambre, le Bundesrat, représente directement les gouvernements des Etats et a des pouvoirs étendus de veto sur toutes les questions touchant aux intérêts des Etats (Land) ainsi qu'un pouvoir suspensif sur d'autres questions nationales. Le fait que les Etats soient responsables de l'administration d'un grand nombre de lois fédérales augmente d'ailleurs considérablement leur autorité réelle. Un tel système ne pourrait peut-être pas être adopté intégralement au Canada, mais il pourrait nous fournir le moyen de conciIier les intérêts provinciaux et l'intérêt national. Il permettrait de combiner le pouvoir provincial et la responsabilité politique, ce qui manque malheureusement à l'heure actuelle. C'est là une question qui mérite d'être étudiée beaucoup plus à fond qu'elle ne l'a été jusqu'à maintenant.     

云南跨境民族问题与国家安全研究

(续上期 )云南跨境民族问题在全国具有典型性和代表性。本部分主要论述维护跨境民族地区国家安全和社会稳定的对策与措施。一是坚持马克思主义民族观 ,反对不正确的、歧视少数民族的民族观 ;二是依据民族平等和民族团结的原则制定合理的民族政策 ,逐步消除各民族发展的不平衡性 ,促进各民族的共同繁荣 ;三是依据国家法律、法规及有关政策的规定 ,打击违法犯罪 ,维护国家安全和社会稳定 ;四是评析对策与措施的实施效用     

川陕红军石刻：宣传中国苏维埃运动的独特形式和文化景观

中国共产党领导的红四方面军能够很快地创建和发展川陕革命根据地,一个重要因素是宣传工作紧紧为革命战争和苏维埃运动服务,以宣传工作推动革命战争和苏维埃运动的发展,而＂刻石宣传＂是其重要的宣传手段。至今留存在原川陕革命根据地境内的大量红军石刻标语,内容丰富,气势磅礴,规模宏大,特色突出,是中国共产党领导的中国人民军队卓越奋斗的历史见证,是中国苏维埃运动的历史见证;是川陕革命根据地创造的独特的大规模的宣传苏维埃和红四方面军的形式,是红四方面军在中国共产党宣传史上的一大创新;是研究红四方面军和川陕省苏维埃政权的可靠的珍贵文献。川陕革命根据地红军石刻标语,革命的政治内容与书法艺术较完美地结合的特色,已经成为一种珍贵的文化景观,是建设中国特色社会主义,进行爱国主义、革命传统教育、社会主义核心价值观教育的生动教材。     

中国企业跨国投资理论与实践分析

国际直接投资领域新现象、新问题的不断出现,促使该领域主流理论不断完善与发展,同时也催生了许多前沿观点。近年来我国企业跨国直接投资步伐逐渐加大的发展实践,正是与这些理论学说的应用与修正紧密结合在一起。中国企业对外直接投资虽然发展迅速,但在所有权优势、资金优势、技术优势、组织管理优势等方面还存在许多不足;只有找到自身发展的综合相对优势,适应性地整合生产要素,才能使国内有效资本转变为国际性或全球性的有效资本,实现长远发展。     

革命的符号：“苏维埃”在中国的传播与影响

苏维埃是俄文音译词,译为代表会议之意。“苏维埃”来到中国之后,其革命象征意义大于本身原义,成为人们革命认同的一个符号。“苏维埃”的提出表明中共独立探索中国革命道路的开始;“苏维埃”的发展表明中共局部执政的尝试;“苏维埃”的终结体现中共推进马克思主义中国化的成熟。“苏维埃”在中国从提出、发展到终结,尽管存在时间不长,却对中国革命产生了十分重要的影响。     

中国的青年政策和青年工作——在中国联合国青年主题小组会议上的讲话

近年来,中国的青年问题得到了政府的高度重视,制定了符合中国国情的青年政策,在这二政策指导下,中国青年工作取得了很大的成绩,这是值得肯定的。     

Part-time fire fighters in Canadian municipalities: cost and effectiveness comparisons

Abstract: This article reports findings from a cross-Canada study of municipal fire departments. Data gathered from a survey of 104 fire departments in 1981 and 1982 indicate that the use of part-time fire fighters in Canadian cities over 10,000 population is widespread. Overall, municipalities that rely on mixed full-time and part-time fire departments or on all-volunteer departments enjoy substantial cost savings. Further, when fire department effectiveness is compared among full-time, mixed and all-volunteer departments, full-time and mixed departments are about equally effective. Fire departments employing a mix of full-time and part-time fire fighters, particularly in communities up to 50,000 residents, enjoy the benefits of lower fire service costs without sacrificing effectiveness.     

云南跨境民族问题与国家安全研究

云南跨境民族问题在全国具有典型性和代表性。本课题结合当前国际形势和国情省情 ,从维护国家安全和社会稳定的角度出发 ,以云南跨境民族问题与国家安全为研究对象 ,通过考察研究分析 ,总结历史上的民族关系和建国以来民族工作的经验教训 ,分析和探讨影响跨境民族地区稳定的问题和潜在隐患 ,并提出妥善处理跨境民族问题的建议 ,供党和政府及有关部门参考。(本文六个部分 ,分三次刊登 )     

Redistributive federalism: Redistributing wealth and income in the Canadian federation

The Government of Canada has been engaged in a massive redistribution of wealth and income from some provinces – usually British Columbia, Alberta and Ontario – to the other provinces and territories. This redistribution has been accomplished through a number of federal government programs that may have been presented to the public as having nation‐wide applicability and not necessarily designed to meet the needs of any particular province or territory. These federal programs are part of a coherent redistributive whole, but each demonstrates how redistribution has been accomplished. They include transfer programs, such as Equalization and Territorial Formula Financing, that have explicitly addressed the horizontal fiscal imbalance. They also include transfer programs like the Canada Health Transfer, the Canada Social Transfer, labour market training and development, and infrastructure that have implicitly moved federal fiscal resources to various regions of the country. And they include direct federal spending programs like Employment Insurance, immigrant settlement and regional economic development. The extent of this redistribution is discussed, as are the reasons for this redistributive focus and the impact of such large‐scale federal transfers on provincial budgets. Finally, an assessment is made of why the degree of redistribution appears to have been reduced in recent years.     

Representative bureaucracy: the Canadian perspective

Abstract. The representativeness of the Canadian federal public service is an important matter because of the relation of francophone representation to the central issue of national unity and because of recent demands for the increased representation of women and native people. The major arguments presented in this paper are: 1/that despite the logical and empirical deficiencies of the theory of representative bureacracy, official government policy on a representative public service is based on the central assumption of the theory, and 2/that government efforts to achieve a more representative public service serve significant symbolic and partisan political purposes. The first section of the paper reviews the arguments for and against representative bureaucracy and the Canadian literature on the subject. The second section describes government policy on a representative public service with particular reference to francophones, women and native people. The final section assesses the implications of representative bureaucracy for the Canadian political system and includes an examination of the relation between representative bureaucracy and administrative responsibility and between active and passive representativeness.