La situation linguistique des Chinois de Paris originaires de l''''Asie du Sud-Est(Ⅰ)

本文作者分析了巴黎东南亚华人的多语现象、这一现象形成的历史与社会根源以及产生的社会效应。作者指出，能操多种语言是巴黎东南亚华人的突出特征之一。这一现象既是一种社会反映，因为它与华人的移民历史及他们所处的社会文化环境有密切的关系，又是华人在人际关系调节中的有效手段，因为每种语言，根据操该语言的社团的社会地位的高低，根据交谈情景及习惯用法的不同，蕴含着不同的社会意义，代表着交谈者双方各自的权利与义务。所以语言的社会性，不仅在于它能反映社会事实，而且更重要地在于它能创造社会事实。     

"Imiter le Chinois au Coeur limpide et fin…" La Chine en France aux environs de 1860

Au moins depuis les merveilles révelées par Marco Polo, on peat bien dire que l′Empire du Milieu a fait rêver une vaste élite oceidentale (1). On le percoit comme le pays autre, étranger, pour ainsi dire à la nième puissance: mais cette même altérité radicale peat devenir en l′occurrence extrêmement féconde-ee qui est d′ailleurs vrai de tous lea dépaysements.     

Apparence et réalité du pouvoir de représentation des provinces à Paris L'exemple des Etats provinciaux du Nord au XVIIIème siècle

SUMMARY

In this article, Marie-Laure Legay has examined the relations of the Provincial Estates on the north-eastern border of France—Flanders, Artois and le Cambrésis—with the central government. It shows that they did not waste energy disputing the tax demands of the crown, their right to assent to taxation had been reduced to a formality and they voted them without debate. But they then used direct representations through the delegations they sent to Paris, which usually resulted in some concessions being made by the crown. Similarly the Estates did not engage in formal assertions of their autonomy, but the full-time agents they hired in the capital processed a flow of remonstrances and petitions to the agencies of the central government. Thus instead of resisting the movement towards increased centralization of authority, they used it to pursue local advantages. In this way, the Estates were able to purchase the right to make appointments to local offices, while they repeatedly bypassed the Intendant, lobbying successfully for the transfer of many of his areas of competence to the Estates. This pragmatic strategy of working with the system, rather than opposing it was pursued consistencly down to 1789.     

La economía cubana: entre voluntarismo e intentos de planifcación (1959-2012)

Throughout more than fifty years, the Cuban Revolution has been unable to implement an Economic Management System (ems) to face and overcome the traditional problems of centrally planned economies. When Cuban leaders tried to back away from the planning methods adopted in socialist countries, the economic management suffered from “voluntarism”, with invariably negative consequences. This article proposes a categorization of the economic cycle into upward phases –in which rational economic planning and organization predominate– and downward phases with a highly centralized direction of the economy. A historic-economic analysis of each phase of the cycle is presented, revealing that upward phases were characterized by good or acceptable economic outcomes, while these were poor during downward phases with a prevalence of voluntarism, unless external factors appeared.     

Chemins épiques de Ji Bu et de Roland(suite)

这是《季布与罗兰的史诗之路》的第二部分，作者对季布与罗兰在艺术史诗中的英雄形像进行了比较，并对它们的历史价值进行了深入的评介。     

Lascasianismo (y lucha de clases) en Tungsteno de César Vallejo

Tungsteno (1931) de César Vallejo es un texto “puente” entre el indigenismo tradicional y la novela proletaria emergente en la zona andina. El “problema del indio” y la “lucha de clases” están ligadas por una perspectiva “lascasiana” que reduce a los personajes a comportamientos binarios que se excluyen mutuamente: buenos o malos, víctimas o explotadores. Tungsteno es eficaz cuando – siguiendo el esquema lascasiano – muestra cuadros aislados de explotación e injusticia. Pero su ideología y estrategia textual tienen limitaciones para ser considerada la obra revolucionaria que muchos pretenden. Por un lado, porque el indio sólo es “indio,” falla en la construcción de una identidad indígena contestataria y alternativa basada en diferencias culturales y étnicas. Y, en el caso de la representación de los mineros, al resaltar la figura de Servando Huanca subsume la lucha de clases al comportamiento de un individuo ejemplar. Este sesgo narrativo determina la ausencia de la acción colectiva de los obreros de la Mining Society construidos como una mera “presencia” y, sobre todo, sin una conciencia de clase, la agenda privilegiada del marxismo ortodoxo de la época.     

Diccionario biográfico de los Parlamentarios de Vasconia (1876–1939)

SUMMARY

A few years after the return of the Bourbons to the Neapolitan throne, following the final defeat of Napoleon, profound dissatisfaction grew in a section of southern public opinion, above all the provincial bourgeoisie, at certain plans of the restored government. They faced the continued blocking of their own aspirations to a greater share in the management of the res publica, which was a result of the rigid political and administrative centralization of Napoleonic origin which remained in place in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Because of this deeply rooted discontent, the secret sect of the Carboneria began to spread throughout the kingdom. Its primary political aim was to build the foundations of a constitutional and representative regime. It was the Carboneria which instigated a popular uprising in 1820, forcing Ferdinand I to concede to his subjects what the leaders of the revolt had loudly demanded, the Constitution of Cadiz.

Therefore, for the first time in the history of the kingdom, all male citizens aged 21 (except those in domestic service) were entitled to elect the national Parliament endowed with legislative powers. Apart from the property-owning and professional middle classes, it was soldiers and clergy, both groups active in the ranks of the carbonari, who were conspicuously represented in the new assembly. It was therefore composed in large part of individuals whose careers displayed a prominent involvement in the most dangerous phase of the political and institutional crisis which had confronted the kingdom during the previous years. About 70 per cent of those elected had joined in support of the Napoleonic Republic in 1799, had taken part variously in the institutional order established by Napoleon's adherents in the ten years of French rule from 1806, and had in many cases then been affiliated to the Carboneria. Because of their advanced democratic ideals, these people were severely persecuted by the Bourbon authority after the end of the brief constitutional regime.     

Políticas de la memoria. A propósito de su vigésimo aniversario en la ciudad de La Plata (Argentina): la configuración de un campo y sus prácticas

This article aims to outline and explain the development of twenty years of politics of memory in a city in Argentina. The configuration of institutions and social actors, the scope and limitations of their practices are described in order to understand the current timing of the trials of repressors of the last military dictatorship (1976–1983). In turn, the processes around the demand for justice and its impact on the city of La Plata, capital of the province of Buenos Aires, are analyzed, from the perspective of the so-called time of “outbreak of memory”, launched since the mid-1990s.     

Dictionnaires francais-chinois,traduction et interculturalité (Ⅱ)

CedernierpointnousconduitdaborderunautreaspectintercultureldanslatraductionetletraitementlexicalduDictionnairefrancais-chinois:l'identiteculturelle.Lesdictionnairesfrancaisdereferenceontfondeleursjugementsdegrammaticalitesurunenormelinguistique,maisdoiventdefinirleursjugementsd'acceptabilited'apresunenormeculturelle.Commel'indiqueJeanetClaudeDubois,相似文献   

Le Parlement en temps de crises politiques dans le royaume de Portugal (XIV-XVe siècles)

SUMMARY

This article focuses on the role of the Cortes in the course of two decisive moments of the Portuguese monarchy: the choice of a king on the one hand and the decision to accept a regency on the other. The Cortes of Coimbra (1385) are first analysed in the context of the political events that preceded them, in terms of the novelty of being summoned by the social forces of the kingdom, and in terms of their ideology and innovative measures. As a result, a king was chosen—King John I, the founder of the House of Avis—and reforms of a noticeable ‘constituent’ tendency were proposed. Attention is then focused on the Cortes of Lisbon (1439), which were equally unusual in their summoning and performance. There, it was decided that the infant Don Pedro, brother to the late king Don Duarte, would be in charge of the regency while the heir to the throne, Don Afonso V, was not yet of age. This prevented the queen from occupying the role the monarch had intended for her. In both cases these Cortes are very special given that they legitimated revolutionary acts which had previously taken place. This behaviour reinforces the idea that by comparison with other kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula, the Portuguese Cortes had a strong leadership role in moments of political crisis and in the assertion of the power and social formation of the monarchy.     

L'affaiblissement du Parlement français dans la dernière législature de la Troisième République (1936–1940)

SUMMARY

In this article, Simone Lassig examines franchise reforms in the federal states of the German Empire before 1914. She is critical of restricting the history of the German Empire to the history of Prussia. From this viewpoint, electoral reforms in several of the German federal states are used to indicate the capacity of the political elites to resolve problems related to the system. When we observe southern and central Germany, it can be shown that the old elites were capable of learning. Although the non-socialist parties opposed every form of mass politics until the turn of the century, by limiting the right to vote, after that they opened up to the increasing demands for participation from the lower levels of society. Tendencies towards democrati;tation appeared not only in many new electoral laws, but also in the political culture, expecially in the development of new methods of parliamentary conflict. Legitimation of authoriry gained a new status: the parliamentary resolution of conflicts was revalued as against legal restrictions, and facilitated the partial integration of the formerly excluded workers' party. The concept, scarcely challenged in research, that there was only a primitive level of democratization in Wilhelmine Germany should be reconsidered at least, as a result of this analysis.     

Una aproximació bourdieuana a tres plataformes de difusió de poesia a Mallorca (1974–1990)

Abstract

En aquest article em propòs analitzar tres plataformes de difusió de poesia sorgides en el context mallorquí dels anys 70, 80, i 90, aprofitant l’aportació del sociòleg francès Pierre Bourdieu al voltant de la teoria del camp literari. La pretensió és establir un diàleg amb aquesta proposta teòrica i il·lustrar-la amb casos com el dels quaderns de poesia Domini Fosc (1974–1975), la revista L’Ombra Vessada (1979–1981), i les Edicions Atàviques (1985–1990), tenint en compte, per una banda, que els productes literaris que examinaré s’inscriuen en una línia experimentalista i, per l’altra, que la literatura catalana és institucionalment deficitària – a diferència de la francesa, en la qual es basa Bourdieu.     

“小宛然”剧团(Le Th tre du Petit Miroir)首次访汉演出

来自法国的“小宛然”剧团于 2 0 0 0年 1 0月 2 2日来汉演出。该剧团成立于 1 978年 ,最初以演出传统中国木偶戏而闻名。 1 985年起 ,剧团编排并在巴黎上演了两部名剧 :荷马史诗《奥德赛》中的《于利斯之旅》和取自《一千零一夜》中的《阿拉丁》。该剧团也是目前为止法国唯一的皮影戏剧团。此次上演的剧目《哪吒闹海》是由剧团创始人班任旅先生( Jean- Luc Penso)采用中国神话《封神榜》中的故事原形和梗概 ,融会中西方文化艺术特色 ,对剧情进行大胆改编和发挥而做出的全新演绎。跌宕起伏的情节 ,伴着新颖独特的配乐以及班任旅先生娴熟的…     

Le Parlement de Waterloo: la Chambre des Représentants (mai-juillet 1815)

SUMMARY

In this article, Maria Sofia Corciulo looks at the evidence on the proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies elected during the return of Napoléon Bonaparte as emperor in 1815. This took place under the terms of the Acte Additionnel drafted by Benjamin Constant, following Napoléon's expressed decision to reign as a constitutional monarch. Constant introduced a number of significant liberal modifications to the old Napoleonic constitution, and elections for the new Chamber were held in May 1815, though using the electoral bodies established under the 1802 constitutional arrangements. The article suggests that the outcome of these elections, from the very low participation levels in the voting to the character of the men elected, suggests an abscence of confidence in the likely stability of the restored Empire, and this tentative attitude held through the brief opening proceedings of the new legislature in the days immediately before Napoléon left to join the army. After the return to Paris from Waterloo, Napoléon rejected the advice of those who urged him to dissolve the obviously disloyal Chamber, and in view of its attitude was left with no option but abdication. In conclusion the article affirms that this outcome resulted not from the intrigues of Fouché, nor from the ambitions of Napoléon's family, but because the Chambers required it, though their expressed hopes of then being able to lay down conditions for the eventual sovereign chosen for France were thwarted by the will of the victorious allied powers.