Federalism and Education Planning in the Federal Republic of Germany

In 1969 demands for greater rationality in education planninggave rise to new institutionalized forms of cooperation betweenthe federation and the Länder. Conflicts between the federaland Land governments, partisan conflicts, and financial conflictsoverlapped this cooperation. Despite the fact that the formalcapacity for dealing with conflicts had many shortcomings, ajoint general plan for education was issued in 1973 as a resultof favorable economic and political conditions. However, in1978 the federal government failed in its attempt to utilizethe dissatisfaction with the existing system of cooperationto extend its responsibilities for education. The deteriorationin economic and political conditions led to an end of effortsto formulate a general plan for education in 1982 and reducedthe scale of joint activities. Forms of educational cooperationbetween the federation and the Länder still exist, butthey no longer fulfill their original purpose. The centralizationof decisionmaking, which was originally expected, never cameinto being.     

Positional power and political influence in the Federal Republic of Germany

Abstract. Methods of elite identification measure different aspects of power in societies. The relationship between the positional and the decisional methods was studied empirically, using data from a 1981 West German elite survey. In this survey, respondents determined through the positional method were asked to name their interaction partners for (political) issues in which they were actively involved. The results show that incumbency of an elite position is a crucial precondition for becoming politically influential. Only a small number of legislators, journalists, and academics who did not hold an elite position were mentioned as key influentials. The same data were also used to determine the denser part of the West German elite network which was made up of 559 core decision-makers. The sector composition of this elite circle underlines the intermediating role of political leaders and senior civil servants.     

The expenditure and revenue effects of defense spending in the Federal Republic of Germany

This article examines three questions. First, is there evidence of systematic defense tradeoffs in West German budgetary outputs? Second, exactly which programs - or types of program - have been the primary victims of tradeoffs? Finally, is there evidence that expenditure tradeoffs are avoided by raising taxes or reallocating tax burdens within the West German system of fiscal federalism? Evidence of expenditure tradeoffs is weak, but those that do occur seem to be based on the simplifying decision rules characteristic of complex organizational and political environments. Change in taxation is related to change in the defense burden, but the strength of the relationship is not overwhelming. The findings for the German case indicate a need to reevaluate the theoretical basis of tradeoff studies. They also suggest an agenda for comparative research on the tradeoff question.     

The determinants of structural changes in public budgets: a theoretical and empirical analysis for the Federal Republic of Germany

Abstract. Since there is no generally accepted and satisfactory theory that can explain structural changes in public budgets over time, this article focuses on the determinants of the budget structure and its changes over time. Thus, it would already be an improvement in the development of a complex and coherent theory of budgetary structures and its changes if initially appropriate variables could be identified which could explain in the short, intermediate and long runs the structural changes in public budgets with respect to the various governmental levels. Potential candidates for explaining structural changes could be socio-economic, political and institutional variables. These sets of variables will be analyzed here in detail for the Federal Republic of Germany for the time period 1964–1978. The results are very similar to those found in various U.S. studies. In comparably developed nations with similar political (federal) structures, institutional factors seem to play the dominant role in determining and explaining changes in the budgetary structure.     

Split-voting in the Federal Republic of Germany: An analysis of the federal elections from 1953 to 1987

This article is about split-voting in the Federal Republic of Germany. Since 1953 each voter has had two votes. Although only the second vote is of importance for the distribution of the mandates, the voters increasingly make use of split-voting. The reasons for this increase of the split-vote are multiple: one being an expression of the rising need for participation. This split-vote' has nothing to do with the candidate of the electoral district, but very much with coalition preference. Considerable discrepancy between the first and the second vote can especially be observed among the Liberals. They profit from the fact that there is a widespread ignorance of the electoral system. The gains of the FDP are made at the expense of the current coalition partner.     

Selecting party leaders in the Republic of Ireland

Abstract. Traditionally Irish party leaders, elected by their own parliamentary parties, endured a security of tenure only likely to be broken by personal electoral defeat. Now they live under a much more demanding regime. Leaders are challenged frequently and at least one has been deposed. Whereas once successions were managed now contests are normal, and they attract considerable publicity. These changes are bound up with the shift toward greater competition in Irish electoral politics, and a greater uncertainty about the nature of the parties themselves.     

Corporatism and Regional Economic Policies in the Federal Republic of Germany: The "Meso" Politics of Industrial Adjustment

This article examines corporatist theory (business, labor, governmentinteraction) in the context of regional governments and economicpolicy in the Federal Republic of Germany. West German regionalgovernments, far more than the federal government, have actedto shape industrial adjustment and enhance international competitiveness.Corporatist theory is analyzed in the context of its evolutionfrom a macro to a meso variant, which attempts to address sector-andregion-specific forms of economic dislocation. The new meso-corporatistapproach is found insufficient because it looks only at privateinterests and neglects the regional politics of industrial adjustment.The very different "meso-political" patterns of adjustment areexamined here in a synthetic review of recent research on economicpolicymaking in Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, and North-RhineWestphalia. Meso-corporatism may still prove useful theoretically,but only if it includes the role of regional governments.     

Partisanship and party preference in government and opposition: The mid-term perspective

Most previous in-depth survey analysis of British political partisanship and party preference has focused upon election times. We use new data from a major panel study covering the years 1965–1974 to investigate trends and patterns in the midterm as well as at general election times.This leads to rather different conclusions about the utility of the party identification concept, about homing tendencies, and about trends in class depolarization and partisan dealignment.The key to political change in Britain is the mid-term of Wilson's 1966–1970 Labour government, not the crisis election of 1974.     

The effects of alternative power-sharing arrangements: Do “moderating” institutions moderate party strategies and government policy outputs?

Advocates of consensual political institutions, i.e. institutions that promote compromise and powersharing among political parties, claim that these institutions promote moderation in government policy outputs. To date, however, there exists little research – either theoretical or empirical – that evaluates whether consensual institutions promote moderation in parties' policy declarations. We develop a multiparty spatial model with policy-seeking parties operating under proportional representation, in which we vary the extent to which government policies reflect power-sharing among all parties as opposed to being determined by a single party. We determine parties' optimal (Nash equilibrium) policy positions and conclude that power-sharing does not typically motivate parties to moderate their policy declarations; in fact, policy positioning under power-sharing appears to be similar to or more extreme than under single-party dominance. Consistent with previous research, however, we find that power-sharing does promote moderation in government policy outputs. Our results have implications for parties’ election strategies, for the design of political institutions, and for representative government.     

The Articles of Confederation as the Background to the Federal Republic

The Articles of Confederation, usually neglected by those studyingthe American founding, formed an important part of the backgroundto the 1787 Constitution. The Articles functioned as the firstnational constitution of the United States and, as such, reflectedAmerican political theory as it emerged during the Revolution.Equally important, a textual analysis reveals the extent towhich the 1787 Constitution was a logical extension of the Articlesof Confederation. Most of the Articles were incorporated inthe U.S. Constitution, and several key changes found in thelater document were present in embryo in the Articles of Confederation.     

Left behind: The social democratic party in Eastern Germany

Four long‐term structural complications have prevented the Social Democratic Party of Germany from establishing a large party membership in eastern Germany since unification: the injurious legacy of Nazi and communist rule, the contradictions that arose in the 1980s out of the SPD's Ostpolitik, the flawed birth and development of the eastern SPD, and continuing tensions between the eastern and western wings of the party. Since none of these structural problems is likely to change quickly, the SPD will remain impaired in the East for the foreseeable future. This in turn will make it extremely difficult for the SPD to win federal elections.     

奥巴马政府对华政策展望

奥巴马执政初期仍将会延续布什政府的对华友好政策，但在对华贸易逆差、人民币汇率和人权等问题上可能与中国发生摩擦和分歧。随着时间的推移，奥巴马在这些问题上将逐渐回归灵活和务实的政策。鉴于美国内忧外患的困境及中国综合国力的提升，奥巴马的“非敌非友”对华战略定位将会被逐渐扬弃，其对华政策也将目趋理性和现实，并致力于发展美中战略性伙伴关系。     

Federal policy and the mobility of older homeowners

The elderly's immobility is of public policy concern because it may jeopardize both individual and community welfare. Elderly households may face obstacles to moving which either lock them into their current homes or out of suitable alternatives. Only one federal policy (the one-time capital gains exclusion), addresses the mobility of the elderly, but it has been ineffective and probably inequitable. Alternative policies range from targeting the provision more tightly to reallocating its $1 to $2 billion in annual revenue losses for appropriate categorical assistance. Until the elderly's immobility is more clearly understood, tighter targeting is the preferred course.