中国—东盟自由贸易区电子商务环境分析与对策

中国-东盟自由贸易区将在2010年全面建成，电子商务作为一种新兴的贸易方式，将对促进中国与东盟各国的贸易起到积极的作用。通过对中国-东盟自由贸易区电子商务环境进行分析，寻求加快发展自由贸易区电子商务的有利因素，制订自由贸易区电子商务发展对策，对促进中国-东盟自由贸易区电子贸易发展具有重要意义。     

东南亚安全合作构想

本文着重对东南亚安全合作相关问题进行探讨,并就我国在东南亚安全合作背景下面临的挑战提出相应对策,认为中国作为东亚地区的大国应顺应经济全球化和区域一体化的发展趋势,主动融入和积极推动地区安全合作的发展,为新时期我国国家目标的实现创造良好的国际环境。     

改革开放30年来的中国能源外交

改革开放30年来,随着中国经济的发展和与能源相关的全球性问题日显突出,中国能源外交的作用逐步上升,不仅为中国的和平发展创造了良好的外部能源安全环境,也为维护利益相关地区、乃至全球的能源安全、能源合作、能源的可持续发展做出了重要贡献。     

改革开放三十年来的中国能源外交

改革开放30年来,随着中国经济的发展和与能源相关的全球性问题日显突出,中国能源外交的作用逐步上升,不仅为中国的和平发展创造了良好的外部能源安全环境,也为维护利益相关地区、乃至全球的能源安全、能源合作、能源的可持续发展而做出了重要贡献.     

面向东盟的广西中小企业电子商务攻略

中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后,广西与东盟的贸易快速增长.随着电子商务技术日益成熟,广西中小企业积极尝试利用电子商务开拓东盟市场.以中国—东盟自由贸易区为平台,研究零关税背景下的广西中小企业电子商务发展攻略,对发展广西电子商务具有特殊意义.     

中国外交的伟大变革

随着改革开放政策的贯彻,中国外交经历了具有深远意义的伟大变革,取得了辉煌的成就。中国的发展和外交相得益彰,互为促进。中国的发展为外交提供了良好的发展条件,外交则为维护中国的主权和领土完整、为创造中国特色社会主义建设事业所需的和平国际环境、为促进改革开放和"四个现代化"大业做出了重大贡献。     

美国的南海军事化政策：解析与评估

出于护持海上霸权、追求海洋自由、先发制人威慑和重塑同盟信誉的目的,近年来美国针对南海问题实施了一系列意图明显的军事化行为,事实上成为“南海军事化”的“最大推手”。通过前沿作战概念探索、军事基地建设维护、强化大型作战平台、空海抵近情报侦察、开展航行自由行动、构筑海上安全体系等多种手段和方式的综合运用,美国的南海军事化政策对于相关事态的发展产生了重要和复杂的影响。这些强制性军事威慑行为客观上提高了美国对南海问题的影响能力,也为其深度干涉南海事务创造了有利条件。在中美战略竞争加剧的背景下,美国的南海军事化政策加大了在该地区引发军事摩擦和冲突的风险,也增加了南海问题疏解和管控的难度,甚至可能导致印太地区安全局势的紧张升级,并在很大程度上阻碍中国经略南海的进程和海洋强国战略的实施。对此,中国需要高度重视并采取积极的应对措施,为南海问题的疏解和管控创造良好的环境。     

在纷繁复杂的国际形势中开创中国外交新局面

正2013年,国际形势在总体平稳中继续发生深刻复杂变化,推动国际格局加速演变。以习近平同志为总书记的党中央准确把握世界格局变化和中国发展大势,审时度势,开拓进取,密集开展一系列重大对外行动,积极推进外交理论和实践创新,实现外交良好开局,谋划全面布局,不断开创新局,为党和国家工作全面推进创造了良好有利外部条件。     

中国对拉美公共外交的演进、活动与效果

公共外交是中国对拉美外交战略布局中不可或缺的因素。公共外交在新中国成立后的20年里发挥了中国和拉美最初接触的桥梁作用,为中拉关系在20世纪70年代后的全面发展奠定了基础。新世纪以来,伴随着中拉关系的"跨越式"发展,中国政府积极布局对拉美公共外交。中国对拉美公共外交立足于国际广播、教育与文化交流两个层面,通过多种渠道展开,且目标各有侧重。在国际广播层面,中国以电台、电视台、互联网和报纸杂志为主要新闻媒介,努力传递信息和澄清事实;在教育与文化交流层面,中国通过开办孔子学院或课堂、吸引留学生和开展文化交流活动同拉美民众进行双向对话交流,在潜移默化中增进了解和培植信任。通过对拉美开展公共外交,中国塑造了在该地区的良好国家形象,提升了软实力,缓解和消弭了西半球的"中国威胁论"论调,为中拉政治经济关系快速发展创造了良好的舆论环境。经过60余年的发展,中国对拉美公共外交体系初具雏形,取得了显著成效。     

面对WTO威海市民营科技企业的发展对策

近年来,威海市的民营科技发展很快,但是由于我国加入WTO以后,国内外的经济环境将发生巨大变化,必将使民营科技企业的发展面临机遇和挑战。为了弥补威海市民营科技企业发展的不足,市政府应积极采取对策为其发展创造良好的宏观环境,同时企业还必须在人才队伍建设、企业生存发展的治理机制、拓宽融资渠道、发展特色产业、实施国际化经营战略等方面下功夫,以获得迅速发展,在本地区经济发展中发挥更重要的作用。     

德国新政府对华政策前瞻北大核心

不同于默克尔时代,德国新政府执政纲领及部分新政要对华表态尤为强调意识形态分歧和对华竞争。在近年来中西方对抗性上升、美国不断拉欧遏华的大背景下,德国对华认知趋于负面,加之德国自身政局变化以及中德经贸关系的变化,新政府或将加强对华防范与施压,减少对华战略依赖,同欧美盟友加强协调,一致对华,在经贸、科技、全球基建、规则标准等领域争夺主动权。中德关系存在波动的可能性,但由于中德经贸捆绑、西方内部矛盾、德国外交务实传统等因素,新政府将在延续的基础上调整对华政策,中德关系尚不致发生逆转。     

Global Economic Governance between China and the EU: the case of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

The recent establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the initiative launched by the People’s Republic of China in 2013 underpins Beijing’s intensions to promote its own narrative about global economic governance (GEG) as well as China’s readiness to play a far more proactive role at the international level. In the age of global power shifting and with 14 EU member-states part of the AIIB, the European Union (EU) necessitates to engage further with China, in particular, within the context of multilateral institutions. This article analyses the impact of China’s evolving global governance policies on the EU. China’s and EU’s approaches to the reform of global governance present both differences and similarities, yet, the article highlights EU’s needs to make sense to what extent China’s growing ascent in the realm of global governance is reshaping world’s regional and global architectures vis-à-vis financial multilateral cooperation.     

新冠病毒疫情、生物安全与东亚合作的新未来

当前全球生物安全形势日益严峻,其造成的冲击主要包括危害民众的生命健康和社会生活、严重破坏地区和全球经济、影响国家政权的稳定等。新冠病毒因具有传播速度快、传播范围广、致死率高等特点,这势必也会成为东亚区域繁荣与稳定的新挑战:一是严重损害中日韩三国民众的生命安全;二是多领域冲击东亚乃至全球经济;三是敌对势力借此攻击中国政府的执政合法性。可见,生物安全在区域经济开发和相互依赖中的地位日益重要。对此,应处理好两组关系:一是生物安全与国家利益的关系;二是生物安全与国家安全的关系。中日韩可从地区卫生安全为切入点和战略抓手来推进三国的医疗合作,消除日韩两国对中国发展的猜疑和不信任,推进三国的战略互信,然后逐步过渡到"高敏感领域"。     

China,the Interdependent Giant,and the Global Economic Crisis

The global economic crisis revealed China to be an interdependent giant, one whose ‘rise’ was undeniable but also one whose deepening participation in transnational production sharing and network trade made it highly susceptible to an external shock. China weathered the storm relatively well – avoiding a recession, in particular – not because it had ‘decoupled’ from the G7 economies but because its stimulus measures were unusually swift and powerful. One cost, however, has been a worsening domestic imbalance between investment and consumption that carries a heightened risk of asset price inflation, non-performing loans and destabilising levels of local government debt. Meanwhile, China’s ties to the world economy have not fundamentally changed since the crisis began. Despite stirring leader rhetoric and summit declarations, the BRICS have made only modest progress in meeting their goals. East Asia, North America and Europe remain China’s principal trade partners, and cross-border production chains connecting these regions remain the dominant mode of China’s incorporation into the world economy.     

国际金融危机对中国开放型经济的影响及中国的和平发展

2008年由美国次贷危机引发的全球金融危机使中国的外向型经济受到严峻考验。然而在危机中,中国开创了以开放促改革和发展的独特的经济增长道路,使对外经济关系上了一个新台阶,抓住了机遇,实现了新的发展。后金融危机时代中国面临着国内外经济环境的重大变化,开放型经济发展的难度增大。30年的改革开放,中国始终走的是和平发展的道路。今后,中国寻求的仍然是在竞争与合作中同世界共赢。     

试析国际能源环境对印度经济崛起的影响

印度经济的崛起加快了工业化和城市化进程,印度经济越来越依赖国际能源,对国际能源环境的变化日益敏感。国际能源环境主要通过能源市场中的价格波动形式和国际能源政治格局的变化以及两者互动来影响印度经济崛起的进程。基于此,文章认为印度的能源战略需立足于经济崛起的长期性和战略性,减轻国际能源环境变化带来的敏感性和脆弱性,为经济崛起提高稳定、高效的能源保障。     

“一带一路”倡议推动全球经济治理变革的逻辑根源——基于发展逻辑与资本逻辑的比较分析

长期以来,全球经济治理由西方国家主导,遵从新自由主义的资本逻辑和竞争单方取胜的经济全球化运行逻辑,建构单方面契合西方国家利益偏好的统一规则治理模式。当前,这一传统的全球经济治理面临前所未有的困境而亟待变革。中国倡导的"一带一路"以"中国道路"的成功为事实基础,顺应发展导向与实践理性相互加强的理论逻辑,践行"发展共赢"的包容性全球化运行逻辑,塑造以包容性发展机制为核心特征的全球经济治理"中国方案"。对发展逻辑而非资本逻辑的遵循是"一带一路"倡议能够推动全球经济治理变革的逻辑根源。     

German crisis management and leadership—from ignorance to procrastination to action

The financial crisis of 2008 and even more so the crisis of the Eurozone drastically increased the demand for decisive leadership and public crisis management. Due to the size of its economy and its position in the global as well as in the European economy, Germany should take the lead in this crisis management. Germany’s management of the two crises differs but also shows strong similarities. A “center-left Grand Coalition” managed the global financial crisis; a global crisis in which Germany was one among several relevant global players. A center-right government under the leadership of the same chancellor then during the sovereign debt crisis manages the Eurozone crisis. This is a regional crisis but with global implications. German government was slow in responding to both crises but acted eventually after some procrastination. Both cases, however, differ with regards to Germany’s actual role in crisis management. During the global financial crisis, other global actors pushed Germany to the forefront. The Eurozone crisis, a regional crisis, demands a leading role of Germany, the largest economy and member state of the EU. The paper, however, argued that the German crisis management with regards to the Eurozone is very much driven by ideas that preserve German norms but do not live up to the challenges of the crisis. Germany’s insistence in its own interests and norms hinders the delivery of a comprehensive crisis management of the Eurozone crisis within the European Union.     

Chinese direct investment in the EU and the US: a comparative view

Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in developed economies has increased substantially in recent years, driven by policy liberalization and structural adjustments in China’s economy. Efforts to accurately describe the dimensions of this increase are complicated by problems with official statistics and the complexity of deal structures. This article introduces the major problems of capturing data on global cross-border investment flows and elaborates on the particular difficulties of measuring Chinese outward FDI. It identifies alternative datasets that can help to better capture the scope and patterns of the Chinese overseas investment and uses one of them to describe the growth of Chinese investment in the EU and the US since 2000, highlighting similarities and differences in investment patterns in the world’s two biggest economies.     

A supranational party system and the legitimacy of the European Union

China’s emergence as an economic and military power has given rise to apprehensions globally, related not only to China’s cultural and historical ‘alienness’, but also to its apparent willingness to challenge the global system and architecture of global governance. While non-Western countries are wary of the possible impact on them and on the global order of Chinese actions, they appear to be willing to cooperate with China on some global issues in order to change a system often seen as inequitable and unbalanced. Yet, the West seems to conflate the idea of a rising China with that of other emerging markets. Given their historical, political and cultural experiences, however, their access to power and influence, if and when it happens, need not necessarily take the same route as China. This is true particularly of India; India is likely, at least for the foreseeable future, to remain within the existing paradigm of global governance, though it may seek to adapt the rules and structures to better reflect its economic, political and security interests. This would not preclude cooperation on a selective basis on specific global issues with different partners, particularly in the realm of global challenges such as climate change, non-proliferation, international trade and finance and the global commons, such as space, the oceans and cyberspace.