No borders: the case against immigration controls

This article presents the case against immigration controls. Nation states, which are giving up controls on the movement of goods and capital, nevertheless still try to control the movement of people. Like controls under apartheid, immigration controls will eventually become untenable. They are also a relatively recent phenomenon. The actions of the governments of the rich countries, their international agencies and corporations increase both the opportunities and the need for migration. Together with arms sales and support for right-wing repressive regimes, they bear much responsibility for the wars and persecution from which people are forced to flee. The strongest reason for abolishing immigration controls is the increasingly harsh suffering they impose on refugees and migrants, largely to deter others. In the process, they undermine many human rights, including potentially those of existing residents.     

The maternity care needs of refugee and asylum seeking women in Ireland

This article presents some of the findings from the original research carried out with asylum seeking and refugee women in Ireland who were pregnant or who had recently given birth. The explosion in numbers in Ireland from 1998 onwards has been such that this group now comprises more than one in five of every birth in the country's three major maternity hospitals, all based in Dublin. The article explores the background reasons for the major increase in recent years of this group of women. It discusses the difficult circumstances encountered by women who must engage with a system of maternity care unused to such complex needs, amidst a general policy climate of uncertainty and even hostility towards asylum seekers. The research findings contribute to the feminist literature on maternity and challenge us to examine the way in which globalization is impacting on women as mothers and the need for challenging Western states anew on the development of a more coherent model of maternity care in response to the needs of such women.     

Paying for procreation: Child support arrangements in the UK

Under the present system it is a very good thing to remain happily married, I have to tell you!The authors would like to thank Martin Davey, John Murphy and the reader forFeminist Legal Studies for their comments on earlier drafts.     

英美国家社区工会的发展以及由此带来的问题

从20世纪90年代起,社区工会成为很多欧美国家工会新的组织形式并被认为是工会振兴的手段之一.工人结构的异质化是社区工会得以较大发展的动因.产业结构的变化导致工会传统组织方式失效,工会必须寻求新的组织形式.在英国和美国,社区工会在其发展过程中出现了不同的组织形态.在社区工会的发展过程中,存在着对于组织定位、工作模式、经费收缴方式等方面的异论.从现有的情况看,欧美国家社区工会成功的范例还不多见,社区工会的发展还有很长的路要走.     

The Internal Structure of the Child Depression Inventory in Russian and UK Schoolchildren

The internal structure of a self-report rating scale for depressed mood for schoolchildren—the Child Depression Inventory (CDI)—was examined in both a Russian and a UK sample. The internal reliability and consistency of the scale was high in both samples, and factor analysis revealed that the internal structure of depressed mood was similar in both samples, and further that it was also similar for boys and girls across the two countries. The results support the use of the CDI to measure depressed mood in research with non-Western samples.     

英国工业化进程中的工人参与权与劳资关系和谐

工业化是西方发达国家现代化进程中所经历的一个重要阶段,也是众多发展中国家正在经历的发展过程.由于经济飞速发展和经济结构的重大变化,工业化进程也是一个各种矛盾冲突和激荡的过程.由于较早享有了经济和政治参与权,英国工人由早期的体制外暴力抗争逐步转向了改良式议会道路,并最终成为了体制内的合作力量.     

英国劳动制度改革及其对劳资争议处理的影响

自1950年代,英国的劳动制度改革经历了从“自愿主义”到“新自由主义”为指导原则的转变.1997年新工党执政以来,劳动制度的改革在“新自由主义”的继续影响下,反映出政府试图能够在经济效率与工人发言权之间找到平衡.然而,严格的法律规制使劳动争议的处理在实际操作中陷入了困局,并导致新的更加灵活的劳资争议处理方式受到广泛认同.这说明英国劳动制度的改善需要兼顾规范性和灵活性两个方面,才能成为真正调节劳动关系,处理劳资争议的有效手段.     

Coercion, Consent and the Forced Marriage Debate in the UK

An examination of case law on forced marriage reveals that in addition to physical force, the role of emotional pressure is now taken into consideration. However, in both legal and policy discourse, the difference between arranged and forced marriage continues to be framed in binary terms and hinges on the concept of consent: the context in which consent is constructed largely remains unexplored. By examining the socio-cultural construction of personhood, especially womanhood, and the intersecting structural inequalities that constrain particular groups of South Asian women in the UK, we argue that consent and coercion in relation to marriage can be better understood as two ends of a continuum, between which lie degrees of socio-cultural expectation, control, persuasion, pressure, threat and force. Women who face these constraints exercise their agency in complex and contradictory ways that are not always recognised by the existing exit-centred state initiatives designed to tackle this problem.

much less religious,a little more spiritual: the religious and spiritual views of third-wave feminists in the UK

How religious or spiritual are feminists today? Filling a gap in the literature on feminism and religion, this article outlines findings from the first survey-based study of feminists’ spiritual attitudes in recent years. Drawing on survey data, this article explores the religious and spiritual views of 1,265 third-wave feminists, most of whom are women in their twenties and thirties. Comparison with surveys of religious adherence in the UK reveals that these feminists are significantly less religious and somewhat more spiritual than the general population. The article goes on to ask why this might be, and suggests three explanations: feminism's alignment with secularism, secularization and feminism's role within it, and feminism's association with alternative spiritualities.     

借鉴与整合:从英国ACAS看我国劳动争议调解制度改革

近年来,劳动争议处理体制改革受到了学术界的广泛关注,在人们对仲裁和诉讼关系以及制度设计详加探讨的同时,却未给予调解足够的重视.我国现有劳动争议调解制度已无法适应市场经济环境下劳动关系发展的需要.借鉴英国ACAS的制度和组织,在比较两国差异的基础上从信用的视角提出我国劳动争议调解制度改革的方案,整合现有资源,以发挥调解制度的作用,促进劳动争议的解决.     

A brief overview of the development of women's studies in the UK

This paper provides a brief overview of Women's Studies (WS) in the UK, drawing attention to its greatest expansion in adult education and, in general, non-degree granting areas of education. It further argues that this impressive diversity, at present, contributes to the invisibility of WS in the UK but that, potentially, the foundation of a National Women's Studies Association could make both the women who do WS, and WS itself, visible and powerful.