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1.
The recent Marschall decision by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to uphold a principle giving precedence to women for promotions in the workplace seems promising for the future of affirmative action. At first glance, this decision seems to indicate that the ECJ has taken a different path, moving away from its earlier Kalanke decision which had jeopardised further development of affirmative action in the European Union. On a closer examination, both Kalanke’s sweeping ban of preferential treatment based on gender and Marschall’s new interpretation appear as discursive replies to the same dilemma: should the Court deny the normative objective of equality contained in EC law to generate meaning, thus turning equality into a mere formal principle and rendering judicial review trivial? Or should it embrace a substantive reading of the fundamental principle of equality between men and women, thus substituting the Court judgment for that of the legislature, and subverting the limits of the ECJ’s powers? The aim of this article is to analyse the ECJ’s rhetorical response to the complexities contained in affirmative action judicial review.  相似文献   

2.
The general principle of equality in European law is often held to be inconsistently applied by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and insufficiently supported by methodology. Contrary to this assessment, this paper argues that there is substantial coherence and theoretical underpinning to the court's equality reasoning. First, it shows that the respective case‐law can be subdivided into three groups, depending on the level of scrutiny applied. Second, it establishes that the prevailing accounts have difficulty in explaining the court's choice of scrutiny due to their limited selection of analytical parameters. Third, it concludes that comparative institutional analysis offers an alternative framework to make the ECJ's testing approaches in equality matters more intelligible.  相似文献   

3.
Positive action is currently gaining momentum in the European anti-discrimination discourse and policy-making as a necessary and effective tool to achieve the goal of full and effective equality in employment. Gender quotas in politics, however, are thought to remain outside the normative scope of Community law, the dominant view being that candidature for elected public office does not constitute employment in the sense of the relevant provisions. This article seeks to examine the Greek quota system for women in politics in its dialectical relationship to the general equality discourse and with reference to the current normative framework in Europe. The aims are threefold: to assess the legality of positive action in favour of women in politics from the point of view of EU law, to evaluate the effectiveness of the Greek system in achieving its gender equality goals, and to identify the problems that quotas in politics may pose with regard to the principle of democratic representation. It will, thus, be argued that positive measures in politics, though generally compatible with the fundamental principles of justice and representative democracy, may nevertheless be inadequate—at least in their current form—to provide effective solutions to the unequal distribution of social and political power.  相似文献   

4.
刑法第四条就适用刑法人人平等作了明确的规定,但关于平等在刑法中处于什么位置一直备受争议。关于平等在刑法中的地位,主要涉及三个问题,即:平等是法律原则还是法律权利;平等是否能为刑法的基本原则;刑法平等原则与罪刑法定原则、罪责刑相适应原则之间是什么关系。  相似文献   

5.
Feminist studies of the European Union seek to make sense of a field that has become enormously complex. Gender equality has been an issue in the EU since the inclusion of Article 119 on equal pay in the Treaty of Rome 1957 but has since widened to the recognition of equality between women and men as a fundamental principle of democracy for the whole EU. Gender equality is present both in gender-specific policies, such as women's participation in the labour market, sexual harassment and reconciliation of work and family, as well as informing the basic principles and functioning of the EU institutions wherever gender mainstreaming is implemented. Feminist explorations of the EU have tended to overlook one aspect of EU gender policies: women's political representation in the EU institutions. This article seeks to address this gap.  相似文献   

6.
This paper builds on a process–oriented approach which examines constitutionalism with respect to both legislation and social practices. Drawing on the institutionalist concept of the organisational field it provides tools for explaining the emergence of the distinct connectedness and isomorphism of European sex equality norms. The paper elucidates the shifting meaning of sex equality in the field of employment on the one hand, as it demonstrates the close ties between sex equality law and the constitutional status of gender norms on the other. Contrary to both the intergovernmentalist and neo–functionalist approaches in European integration studies, the concept of 'institutionalist field' allows for explication of shifting institutional demands that work beyond the rational interests of the nation–state. The field approach thus emphasises the interrelation between legal and political actors and their respective shared cognition which defines what bears meaning.  相似文献   

7.
It is a commonplace that 'non-discrimination' is a fundamental principle of Community Law. If the principle is taken to express a broader commitment to equality, however, there appears to be something quite unusual about it. When compared with the standards set by modern constitutional law, the commitment to equality is, at least with respect to Member State action, less extensive; in the context of indirect gender discrimination, however, the principle acquires remarkable scope. Although this 'vanguard moment' of Community Law is tacitly acknowledged in the practice of the ECJ, it is, at the same time, subdued; the resources of the principle might be tapped, however, by moving toward a constitution for antidiscrimination. The article explores both the philosophical presuppositions and the institutional context of what could become a constitutionalisation of antidiscrimination at the level of Community Law.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract: The principle of equality of men and women as understood by Community institutions covers four distinguishable aspects. The first is equal treatment, defined in Community texts as the absence of legal gender discrimination. This concept focuses on individual rights and does not take into account the social context in which rules function. Second, the Community seeks to realise equal opportunities, understood as factual equality of chances. Third, Community law displays a concern for factually equal outcomes. The institutions accept legally different treatment that seeks to equalise unequal living conditions and inversely admit that facially neutral rules can have discriminatory effects. Finally, various documents conceive of gender equality as equal representation of the sexes in professional and public life. In the Kalanke decision of October 1995, the Court for the first time dealt with quotas in favour of women. It held that a national provision granting female candidates an automatic preference is incompatible with the right to equal treatment. The Court failed to acknowledge the tensions that arise from the coexistence of paradigms. An awareness of the multiplicity of concepts of equality, exhibited in Community law and rooted in the common constitutional heritage of the Member States, is however a prerequisite for a more sophisticated discussion of the issue of positive action.  相似文献   

9.
Women's Rights, the European Court, and Supranational Constitutionalism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This analysis examines supranational constitutionalism in the European Union (EU). In particular, the study focuses on the role of the European Court of Justice in the creation of women's rights. I examine the interaction between the Court and member state governments in legal integration, and also the integral role that women's advocates—both individual activists and groups—have played in the development of EU social provisions. The findings suggest that this litigation dynamic can have the effect of fueling the integration process by creating new rights that may empower social actors and EU organizations, with the ultimate effect of diminishing member state government control over the scope and direction of EU law. This study focuses specifically on gender equality law yet provides a general framework for examining the case law in subsequent legal domains, with the purpose of providing a more nuanced understanding of supranational governance and constitutionalism.  相似文献   

10.
"平等"是现代文明中一个重要的价值观念,但对它的理解却颇有争议,包括法律上的平等。人与人的差异显示了平等观念的核心——人权,人权的基本要求是人格的独立和与此适应的最基本的生存条件。因此不能把平等理解为无差异或把所有的差异理解为不平等。因为人与人的差异并不一定是不合理的,人与人的差异的产生有自然的原因,有社会的原因,只有后者才可能是不合理的,才是平等观念所反对的,其中的要义就是使所有人享有"人权",即与现代文明相适应的"人"的尊严和与之适应的物质待遇。平等的要求仅限于此,超出此义,必陷入荒谬。现代法律应以平等为原则,从制度上限制因社会原因所造成的人与人的不平等,并平等地适用法律,坚持法律面前人人平等的法治原则。法律可以从立法和司法多种途径追求平等和保护人权,但其只能从制度层面为平等的实现创造条件,法律不可能消除一切不平等,法律更不会消灭一切差别。相反,法律在对平等的追求中还要保护合理的差别,故此,法律的公平原则中包含着差别原则。  相似文献   

11.
Abstract:  While gender equality has been a matter of some concern for EU law and policy makers over the past half century, this concern has tended, at least historically, to focus upon equal treatment in employment and has not yet materialised into the delivery of a broader package of civil, political, and social rights for women. Taking the concept of EU citizenship as a framework within which to view the promotion of gender equality, this article assesses the debate on the constitutional future of the EU. This is with a view to examining the possible amelioration of women's social position through the exploitation of opportunities that the constitutionalisation of EU law presents. Looking at women's citizenship through the lens of political rights to participate in the debate on the EU's future, together with examining substantive aspects of the Constitutional Treaty for their gender equality content, the article suggests that a more comprehensive endeavour by all institutional actors to engage in gender mainstreaming is needed in order to give effect to a broader form of equality between women and men.  相似文献   

12.
Gender mainstreaming is an EU policy tool encouraging equality between men and women by incorporating gender concerns into the formation of EU law. The EU has intervened in private international family law, an area where concerns over gender equality may be present. Child abduction, which is regulated by the Brussels II Revised Regulation, is an aspect of international family law where issues of gender have been highlighted. Women are predominantly the abductors of their children and may abduct a child to escape a violent relationship. These factors were in evidence in the 1980 Hague Abduction Convention and an effective gender mainstreaming strategy should promote discussion to address these concerns. By examining the proposals for Brussels II Revised, this article will demonstrate that the gendered nature of child abduction was not clearly addressed in the development of the legislation and questions how mainstreaming can be effective as an aspect of the legislative process.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract:  From a sociological point of view, European integration is specifically a process of transforming deeper structures of solidarity, legal order and justice away from the segmentally differentiated European family of nations and towards an emerging European society. This transformation is the subject matter to be explained (explanandum) in this article by a set of mutually supporting explanatory factors (explanans) with the example of jurisdiction by the European Court of Justice: (1) establishing formal legitimate power of European jurisdiction in order to complement and form the driving force of international labour division: preliminary reference, supremacy and direct effect of European law; (2) establishing a substantial conception of control in the field of legal discourse: free movement and non-discrimination; (3) enforcing a genuinely European legal order against national varieties of law by establishing a dominant European legal community; (4) making transnational sense of legal change by legitimating Europeanised law in terms of advancing justice as equality of opportunity across and within nations, as opposed to equality of results within nations accompanied by inequality of opportunity across nations.  相似文献   

14.
This article examines the development of regulation in the European Union (EU) of sex equality in social protection. It applies research methodologies suggested by 'new institutionalist' and 'historical institutionalist' perspectives on European integration. It does not aim to replace existing accounts, but simply to add an additional perspective to the analysis. The article suggests that new insights can be gained by observing the impact of the question of 'division of competence' on the issue of regulation of sex equality in social protection by the EU. The focus on division of competence illuminates relationships between institutions involved in the process of policy formation and implementation, especially the European Commission and the European Court of Justice. It may also illuminate policy outcomes and the directions in which the EU's sex equality law (and possibly social law more generally) has developed and may develop in the future.  相似文献   

15.
法律的社会性别分析及其意义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
林建军 《法学论坛》2007,22(2):137-141
法律的社会性别分析是运用社会性别视角对传统的以男性为中心建构的法律进行分析评判,发现并指出法律对社会性别偏见和女性屈从地位的塑造和建构,重构充分反映男女两性特别是女性正当诉求的法律规范.这种分析研究和建构是对"男性中心主义"的法律观和方法论的必要修正,是对以男性为中心的性别不平等法律制度的一种积极变革.  相似文献   

16.
社会主义市场经济呼唤刑事立法的平等观   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
社会主义市场经济是平等经济 ,它要求的法律面前人人平等原则不仅指刑罚适用上的平等 ,更应成为刑事立法的基本指导思想 ,应以平等的刑事立法原则为指导对刑法进行完善  相似文献   

17.
It is claimed that European supranationalism represents an unprecedented mode of political association whose point is to maintain what is good about nationality and the nation state by stripping the latter of its adverse effects. In this article, this claim is submitted to a test by examining how different ways of conceiving of anti‐discrimination in the context of intra‐Community trading law give rise to two different conceptions of the European economic constitution. While the first one is married to the ideal of behavioural anti‐discrimination–that is, of affording protection against discriminatory acts by Member States–whose application would seemingly leave the nation state in its place, the other one takes a system of nation states as something that in and of itself engenders systematically discriminatory effects on international trade. According to the latter, effective anti‐discrimination presupposes overcoming such a system altogether. Both conceptions of the economic constitution are manifest in Community law, and at first glance it appears as if adherence to the first one would be consonant with supranationality as a special mode of political association. However, owing to internal predicaments arising from the application of the equality principle (understood as a principle protecting against discrimination), the difference between both conceptions cannot be upheld in practice. Since the first conception is constantly undermined by the second in the course of its application, it remains uncertain, at least in this context, whether or not the European nation state is left in place by the European Economic Constitution.  相似文献   

18.
In June and November 2000, the European Parliament and the Council adopted two Directives referring to ‘the principle of equal treatment irrespective of’ in their title, one relating to racial and ethnic origin, the other to disability, age, religion and belief or sexual orientation. A thorough reform of Directive 76/207/EEC on the principle of equal treatment for women and men in employment matters is pending between the European Parliament's second reading and adoption while this is written. Community secondary legislation on equal treatment of persons has thus expanded in scope and number of reasons which must not serve as starting points for differentiation. Does this signify progress in legal protection against personal discrimination? While not providing a ready answer, this article proposes an analytical framework to answer this question, concentrating on conceptions of equality in general and in particular on the problems multi‐dimensional discrimination might pose for the law.  相似文献   

19.
社会性别的法律建构及其批判   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
性别等级是在人类社会进化的过程中,主要由男权文化不断解释与不断塑造的结果,社会性别这一概念是探求这一原因最好的分析工具。原初社会"男耕女织"的性别分工成为家庭关系与公共关系的分野。在公共关系中,男人在自利心的驱使下渐生平等的要求,并在平等诉求下形成法律;而在家庭关系中因为亲情而使平等与公正成为多余。由于女性并未参与公共关系中的法律建设,致使性别平等既不能在公共领域中得以表达,也不能在家庭关系中得以体现。最终,法律认同了公共领域与私人领域的划分,并在这一基础上建构起了性别等级的社会模式。而代表男权文化的法律理论也极尽"科学"之能,不断地掩盖和强化性别社会化的实质,尤以社会契约论为最。社会契约论以法律为公民同意之结果而使法律披上了公正的面纱,却因为无视女性没有成为契约主体的事实而沦为掩盖社会性别的帮凶。即便是罗尔斯的"无知之幕"理论也因为无法排除性别的先天知晓而成为法律平等与公正的神话。虽然,实证主义法学与自然法学在许多理论问题上存在着针锋相对的观点,但在制造并掩盖社会性别上也成了同盟军。法律与法律理论的紧密联系与有机配合终于迫使社会性别及其等级模式在法律中立的旗帜下不断地得以演绎、建构和强化。  相似文献   

20.
陈忠林 《现代法学》2005,27(4):51-56
平等,在本体论意义上是一种作为个体的人认识到自己与他人的共同性之后激发的一种本能性需要;在法学意义上是一种以法律的手段来确认、平衡现实生活中那些反映历史必然的以实质不平等为内容的平等;“对任何人犯罪,在适用法律上人人平等”,这是宪法规定的“法律面前人人平等原则”在刑法适用中的具体体现。  相似文献   

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