共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Paul Lewis 《Society》2010,47(3):207-213
Peter Berger has attempted to develop an account of the relationship between social structure and human agency that navigates
a middle way between voluntarism and determinism. Berger’s approach has been criticised by social theorists for reproducing,
rather than transcending, the very errors of voluntarism and determinism that he strives to avoid. However, the critics have
focused on Berger’s explicit, meta-theoretical pronouncements about the nature or ontology of the social world, whilst ignoring
the more sophisticated account of the structure agency relationship that is implicit in, and presupposed by, his substantive
sociological research. The notions of ‘emergence’ and ‘emergent properties’ are used to develop an account of the structure-agency
relationship that is consistent with Berger’s concrete sociological work, whilst avoiding the shortcomings of his explicit
reflections about the nature of the social world. 相似文献
2.
Teh-chang Lin 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》1999,5(2):83-113
For many years Beijing has sought to isolate Taiwan from the world community, threatening to sever relations with any country
that tries to establish or strengthen relations with Taiwan. As a result, economic diplomacy has become a tool in conducting
Taiwan’s international affairs. Political and economic considerations are thus intermingled in Taiwan’s pursuit of its foreign
economic policy. This paper does not intend to go into a traditional debate on the conflict between the state (politics) and
the market (economics) in conducting a country’s foreign economic relations. Rather, it attempts to coordinate the merits
of both state and market and assumes that an understanding of their interaction is useful in examining Taiwan’s foreign economic
relations in the post-Deng period. The empirical study of this paper will focus on mainland China and the Southeast Asian
countries. Southeast Asia is a region where no country maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan. It is difficult indeed
for Taiwan to develop official political ties with Southeast Asian countries because of their geographical proximity to mainland
China, which tends to make them subject to pressure from Beijing. Thus, whenever Taipei conducts its economic communications
(such as in foreign trade, foreign direct investment and foreign economic assistance) with mainland China and those Southeast
Asian countries, political and economic factors are always taken into account by decision-makers. 相似文献
3.
Silke Steets 《Society》2017,54(5):439-444
In his book The Many Altars of Modernity Peter L. Berger (2014) called for the replacement of secularization theory, which in his view no longer has much relevance today, with a theory of (religious) pluralism. Such a theory must encompass two levels, the level of the mind and the level of society. In this paper I will focus on the level of mind and explain some of the conceptual linkages with the level of society which Berger only touches upon in his book. The paper’s main purpose, however, is to sketch out a framework in which Berger’s ideas on “pluralism in the mind” could be investigated empirically. I will argue to focus on “cognitive minorities”, that is, on groups of people whose understanding of the world differs significantly from that of their social environment. As concrete cases I suggest a comparative study of a religious group (Evangelical Protestants) in a strongly secularized city (Leipzig, Germany) and a group of skeptics and seekers (Unitarians) in a city characterized by evangelical religiosity (Dallas, Texas). With the help of these settings – that is my thesis – it will be possible to investigate what Berger formulated as the central issue in his pluralism theory: How is it possible for people to integrate religious and secular worldviews in their minds, more or less simultaneously? 相似文献
4.
Perry Schmidt-Leukel 《Society》2017,54(5):406-410
My notes on Peter Berger’s recent publication (Berger 2014) come in two parts. In part one, I will address a couple of conceptual ambiguities surrounding the so-called “secularization theory”. In part two, I will deal with Berger’s argument that religious diversity undermines religious certainties and in that sense fosters secularization. As I will point out, theologians are not only well aware of this situation, they are discussing it as part of the so-called “theology of religions,” and they have identified a solution that avoids what Berger rightly characterizes as the two impasses of fundamentalism and relativism. 相似文献
5.
The social function of humor may be considered to have two aspects. The first is that of the relationships within a group
and the social system within which personal acquaintance and interaction between and among group members exist. The second
is that of society as a whole or of social phenomena. Here, humor’s role being to reform certain aspects of social life. Bergson’s
theory deals mainly with this “corrective” characteristic of humor. In this article, both of these aspects are discussed. 相似文献
6.
Lin Chun 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):1-27
Reform in China’s urban public sector has been so contentious that the nature, function, validity and viability of state firms
require clarifications. First of a two-part critique, this essay assesses the outcomes and wider consequences of China’s largely
free wheeling process of privatization as compared to the rationale claimed for its instigation. By identifying the ideological
and political forces behind that process, the essay further seeks to explain the erosion of public policy capacities pivotal
for social defence in market globalization, thereby demonstrating the need to reorient the reform. Losing the opportunity
to reinvigorate a sizable and strong state sector capable of healthy interactions with other sectors is shown to be especially
damaging in developing and transitional societies, which in turn negatively impacts both global economy and ecology. 相似文献
7.
International human rights treaties and declarations lay out the interconnection of civil and political rights with economic,
social, and cultural rights. However, it was not until 1993 at the 2nd UN Conference on Human Rights in Vienna that governments agreed that all of women’s rights are an integral part of human
rights. Promoting women’s economic, social, and cultural rights is a critical human rights advocacy issue. Poverty leaves
women more exposed to violence and less able to escape it, and severely restricts women’s ability to organize and fight for
change. The article describes work by AI and other NGOs on violence against women and its connection with women's poverty
and lack of education, healthcare, housing, and access to land in Africa. Besides the burgeoning of African women’s organizations
calling for protection of all women’s human rights, a second hopeful development has been approval in July 2003 of an historic
Protocol on the Rights of women in Africa. 相似文献
8.
The CCP government has adopted a very pragmatic strategy of “performance legitimacy” since China began its reform. It means
that the government relies on accomplishing concrete goals such as economic growth, social stability, strengthening national
power, and “good governance” (governing competence and accountability) to retain its legitimacy. While it is able to attain
considerable domestic support by implementing this strategy, it has no particular interest in pursuing democratization. This
chapter tries to make sense of the main reasons why it has adopted this strategy and to evaluate the political and social
outcome of its policies. The chapter intends to discover if China’s adaptation strategy is a “path dependent” decision, and
if it will function as a potential catalyst for significant political change in the future. The chapter also explores what
the Chinese government has achieved through its adaptation strategy and what and why it has been unwilling or unable to do
to obtain an “original justification” of power. Zhu skillfully travels back and forth between the terrains of theory and practice
to make better sense of legitimacy and governance in China’s experiences. 相似文献
9.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献
10.
China is evolving—it is becoming modern and international—but its trajectory will never intersect with the West’s. Fortunes
have waxed and waned over thousands of years, but Chinese civilization has remained apart. Enduring fundamentals—morality
rooted in stability, anti-individualism and a micro-analytic, balance-obsessed worldview—both fuel contemporary growth and
preclude China’s ascendance as a superpower capable of projecting values abroad. A unifying “Confucian Conflict” between trenchant
ambition and diffused anxiety also explains the actions and attitudes of ordinary Chinese people. This “street level” article
articulates an “insecure or safe” continuum of twelve quintessentially behavioral characteristics that are observed in all
realms of contemporary life including diplomacy, business, consumer behavior and social structure. They are: Ritualistic Observation,
Robotic Depersonalization, Hierarchical Regimentation, Anxious Self-protection, Trust Facilitation, Pragmatic Elasticity,
Incremental Progression, Released Repression, Confidence Projection, Epic Ambition, Scaled Mobilization and Joyful Celebration. 相似文献
11.
This article attempts to study the patterns of China’s military capacity during the cold war era. We believe that this work
will not only benefit us in better understanding what factors have contributed to China’s military expenditures over the past
30 years, but also be beneficial in the prediction of China’s future military establishment. The theory directing our work
is Lewis F. Richardson’s action-reaction theory which describes military capacity build-up as a process in which changes in
a nation’s defense expenditures are a function of its opponent’s defense expenditures and the hostility and the economic burden
of producing and maintaining arms. Guided by this action-reaction model, we test whether or not China’s military expenditures
are a function of its neighboring rival countries/regions for the period of 1963 to 1990. Sixteen different formulations of
Richardson’s model are employed. We use the OLS (Ordinary Least Squares) linear regression technique to test our model. Our
findings suggest that possibly in the case of Taiwan and Japan does an action-reaction process occur. In addition, models
that employ time lags better illustrate whether an action-reaction process is going on. 相似文献
12.
In this paper, we argue that as China’s consumer credit sector is expanding, the central bank’s role in smoothing economic
fluctuation and promoting economic growth becomes more important. We build a general equilibrium model with durable and nondurable
goods to analyze how the consumer credit sector affects the transmission mechanism of monetary policy. The model finds that
an expanding consumer credit sector improves the efficiency of the monetary transmission mechanism. Two policy implications
derived suggest China’s central bank should encourage the development of the consumer credit sector and liberalize market-based
monetary policy tools such as interest rate tools.
Her fields of interest are international economics, monetary policies and economic growth.
Guofeng Sun is the deputy director of open market operation office of monetary policy department at People’s Bank of China.
His research focus is the transmission mechanism of monetary policy.
The authors thank two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. The views in this paper are solely the
responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the People’s Bank of China. 相似文献
13.
Jenna Reinbold 《Human Rights Review》2011,12(2):147-171
This paper will explore the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights as an exemplar of political mythmaking, a genre of
narrative designed to channel and thereby to quell social anxiety and to orient select groups toward desirable beliefs and
practices. One of the Declaration’s most fundamental and forceful elements is its enshrinement of the “inherent dignity” of
each member of the human family. Drawing upon contemporary theorizations of mythmaking and sacralization, this article will
elucidate the manner in which inherent dignity functions as the central item of sacredness within what we might call the “secular
morality” of universal human rights. 相似文献
14.
Rapid economic growth in China is accompanied by economic disparity, corruption, crime, and a great deal of frustration among
China’s citizens. These social problems threaten the country’s further development, social stability, and harmony. This study
discusses the recent campaign in China for a harmonious society. Many Chinese scholars, officials, and citizens seem to believe
that more effective and efficient social structures will result in social harmony. However, social harmony is a more complex
social psychological phenomenon which is determined by the interactions among social values, people, and society. People achieve
social harmony when they feel their values and desires are attainable in society. They have to make strong social and psychological
effort if they want to successfully achieve harmony with nature, society, and themselves.
Ai Guo Han, professor of Writing Arts at Rowan University. He received a doctorate from the Indiana University of Pennsylvania
and is specialized in writing pedagogy and language studies. He teaches courses in freshman writing, TESOL, Chinese language
and culture. He is the Executive Vice President of the Association of Chinese Professors of Social Sciences and Humanities
in the United States and actively promotes academic and cultural programs between China and the United States. His recent
research focuses on Daoist philosophy and rhetorical traditions. The author wishes to thank the anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments. 相似文献
15.
It is tempting, but wrong, to infer from the failures of the EU draft constitution that all reforms based on increasing citizen
participation in the European Union are doomed to fail. Andrew Moravcsik’s trenchant dismissal of the constitutional project
commits this error. Moravcsik’s sweeping claims, based on what he calls empirical social science, speak well beyond the evidence
on democratic institutional innovations. Participatory measures such as consultative Citizens’ Assemblies may articulate a
citizens’ perspective that can help to anchor the democratic legitimacy of the EU. We do not know if such innovations can
resolve the problems of the democratic deficit, but we do know that empirical social science has not spoken decisively on
the issue. It is worth examining their democratic potential rather than dismissing them outright.
This article develops and draws on ideas we first expressed in an online symposium with Andrew Moravcsik and others, hosted
by Notre Europe (Culpepper/Fung 2006b). 相似文献
16.
Ari Kohen 《Human Rights Review》2005,7(1):49-75
This article explores Alan Gewirth’s argument for a secular foundation for the idea
2 of human rights as a possible response to Michael J. Perry’s claim “that the idea of
3 human rights is…ineliminably religious.” I examine Gewirth’s reasoning for constructing
3 a theory, namely that existing theories are fundamentally flawed and leave the idea of human rights without a logically
consistent foundation, before considering in detail his claims for the Principle of Generic Consistency (PGC). Having looked
at his critique of numerous other theories, as well as at his own argument about human action grounding basic rights to freedom
and well-being, I then offer a critique of Gewirth’s PGC. Ultimately my conclusion is that Gewrith's
3 theory relies too heavily on the notions, first that we have a meta-desire not to contradict ourselves and, second, that
we are unable to find persuasive justifications for our behavior that might allow us to avoid self-contradiction. If one is
not troubled by charges of self-contradiction or, as is more often the case, one does not recognize that one’s victim is as
much a human being as oneself, Gewirth’s theory 5 V 3 will not seem
particularly persuasive. *** DIRECT SUPPORT *** A28BB025 00003 相似文献
17.
Joshua Dunn 《Society》2012,49(1):24-32
After clearing away some misconceptions about the power of the religious right in Colorado Springs, this article will examine
three areas, education, medical marijuana, and gay rights, where the city’s religious conservatives have tried to influence
public policy. With each area their efforts have only been partially successful. While the reasons for this uneven success
are often particular to each policy dispute, taken together these issues point to discernible changes in the political behavior
and ambitions of the city’s religious conservatives. Most importantly, religious conservatives have become far less confrontational
and have turned away, to a significant degree, from direct political action and are focusing much more on community outreach
programs. The paper will conclude by discussing some of the reasons for those changes and how they might have national implications
for religious and social conservatives. 相似文献
18.
Lenore T. Ealy 《Society》2011,48(6):510-516
The capacity of a nation to sustain itself as a free society depends upon the extent to which its people have confidence in
their own capability to diagnose, act on, and solve social problems. Classical liberal theorist and activist Richard Cornuelle
(1927–2011) advanced our understanding of the necessary role of voluntary action in creating and sustaining communities in
which people can flourish. Grounded in the methodological principles of Austrian economics, Cornuelle sought to balance libertarian
thought by promoting a robust understanding of social process to complement the Austrian economists’ well-developed understanding
of market process. The development of this social vision took place through a lifetime process of “action research” that has
a tangible legacy for future scholarship of social process and the practices of philanthropists and social entrepreneurs. 相似文献
19.
Guido Parietti 《Society》2013,50(4):391-394
Peter Baehr highly praises Berger’s contribution to sociology, and yet sharply criticises his claim that unmasking or debunking is he signature method of sociology. Baehr hold such method of enquiry to be dangerously corrosive and in tension with the humanist intentions of Berger. I largely agree with this critique, but I have doubts that a viable alternative could be developed within the framework of the social sciences. Thus, I would suggest that Berger was right in linking unmasking/debunking with the humanist enterprise, despite the negative implications highlighted by Baehr. 相似文献
20.
China’s passage of the Real Property Rights Law in 2007 undoubtedly marked a milestone of its economic transition to market
economy. It delineates the boundary of property belongings and the authority of disposition by including or excluding specific
individual and groups of individuals. The purpose of this paper is to trace the debate, deliberation, and decision of the
law-making process to show the process of bargaining and compromise of various political interests in China’s complex and
difficult economic transition. 相似文献