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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):24-40
One Nation, the Australian anti-immigration political party, was not created by, nor has it ever been controlled by, organized racist groups, but it has had extensive, although mostly informal, ties with them. These have ranged from the promotion of One Nation by racist groups and their leaders to some of their members holding positions within the party. One Nation has never taken action against the involvement in the party of racist groups, both because it needed the support of those groups in establishing the party and because of a convergence of interests. Ultimately, however, these ties have played a major role in the destabilization of One Nation.  相似文献   

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This paper explores the prediction of King and Bass (1974) that black managers and supervisors may be more reluctant than whites to accept management programs such as management by objectives. Data were collected from 77 black and 61 white managers and professionals of the City of Detroit transportation system (D-DOT), after they had been involved with MBO for almost one year. Analyses of t-test results indicate that blacks assessed MBO as more helpful in their individual jobs and more positive for the organization than their white counterparts. Explanations derived from the racial demographics of the organization, the MBO installation, and characteristics of MBO as a management process in public agencies are given.  相似文献   

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By applying narrative theory to the party political texts emerging within the UK Labour Party after 2010, which make up the corpus of One Nation discourse, we can grasp the underlying significance of this ideational revision of Labour Party and leftist thought. Through an identification and analysis of the sequence of texts and their constitution as a “story” that interpolates an underlying “plot,” we can see how a revision of Labour's “tale” offers to leadership a new party discourse appropriate to it, mediating—if not reconciling—the problematic duality of narrative authorship by both party and leader.  相似文献   

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《Race & Society》2002,5(1):49-64
Historically, racial identity for persons with one Black and one White parent assumed the development of a Black identity in accordance with the one-drop rule. However, empirical research on the multiracial population suggests that there exists wide variation in racial identification. We explore the interpretive power of Bonilla-Silva’s Latin Americanization model to explain racial identity construction among a sample of 259 mixed-race respondents. We highlight case studies of individuals who have constructed a White identity in order to illustrate how structural changes in race relations have increased the range of racial identities available to multiracial people. While we observe variation in racial identification among our respondents, their “choices” continue to be differentially available due to their physical appearance and social context.  相似文献   

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《Race & Society》1999,2(1):69-82
Model minority theory frequently ascribes blame for the socioeconomic condition of African Americans to their own lack of positive work-related attitudes. Data from the 1990 Census of Population are used to assess the relative work situation of three major Black groups in America–African Americans, African, and Caribbean immigrants. The findings are not supportive of the hypothesis that African Americans are less motivated to work relative to their Black immigrant counterparts. Rather, a key finding is that the employment status of Black natives and immigrants is a function of the income or money available to individuals. Once Blacks are employed, there are no differences in work intensity between African Americans and their African and Caribbean immigrant counterparts.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Contemporary and retrospective evaluation of Theresa May’s premiership inevitably focuses on the division, drift and indecision which characterized it. However, this article argues that although such narratives have considerable validity, they miss an important aspect of the May ‘project’, namely, its attempt to shift the contemporary Conservative Party’s ideology in a ‘One Nation’ direction in rhetoric if not necessarily in deed. The article begins with a conceptual and historical analysis of One Nation Conservatism and then places May within this tradition, principally through consideration of key statements she made as Prime Minister. It, therefore, adds an original perspective both on May’s government and on the ideological analysis of One Nation Conservatism, building on the existing literature.  相似文献   

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Liu  Baodong 《Political Behavior》2001,23(2):157-180
The impact of racial context on white voters' support for black candidates in biracial elections has drawn considerable attention from students of racial politics. Two major theories—black threat and social interaction—use different geographic units and provide conflicting explanations. The present study seeks to contribute to the resolution of the controversy by empirically examining white crossover voting at both election unit and neighborhood levels. Twenty-nine mayoral and councilmanic district elections in New Orleans from 1977 to 1998 are investigated. The findings are not consistent with the hypotheses derived from black threat and social interaction theories. Rather than a reflection of racial tolerance or hostility, the changes in white crossover voting in different racial contexts may indicate a rational and strategic adjustment on the part of white voters when they face the prospect of black electoral success.  相似文献   

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Kincaid  John 《Publius》1986,16(4):155-172
This article is a case study of the legal and political harassmentof a black mayor in Tchula, Mississippi. The case illustratesin the extreme the peculiar challenges that can be confrontedby local black elected officials in small southern jurisdictions,even where the population is predominantly black and the reachof the federal government otherwise assures black residentstheir rights to vote and hold public office. Effective enfranchisementof blacks in such communities is difficult because blacks possessfew resources with which to translate votes into economic developmentand because historic patterns of race relations in such backwaterareas stand as major cultural barriers to change.  相似文献   

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We make the case for why the racial threat hypothesis should characterize the relationship between states?? racial composition, whites?? racial attitudes, and black representation in the United States Senate. Consistent with this claim, we find that senators from states with larger percentages of African-Americans among the electorate and more racially conservative preferences among whites provide worse representation of black interests in the Senate than their counterparts. We also apply theories of congressional cross-pressures in considering how senator partisanship and region moderate the effect of white racial attitudes on black representation. Finally, consistent with the racial threat hypothesis, we show that the negative effect of white racial attitudes on the quality of black representation is stronger when state unemployment rates are higher.  相似文献   

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Brigadier General Denis Whitaker and Shelagh Whitaker, Dieppe: Tragedy to Triumph (Toronto and Montreal: McGraw‐Hill Ryerson, 1992). Pp.xvi + 372.

David Kahn, Seizing the Enigma: The Race to Break the German U‐boat Codes, 1939–1943 (Boston/London: Houghton Mifflin Company/Souvenir Press, 1991). Pp. xii + 336. US $24.95; £15.99.

Dino A. Brugioni, Eyeball to Eyeball: The Inside Story of the Cuban Missile Crisis (New York: Random House, 1991). Pp. 9 + 622. US $35.00.

James Dubro and Robin Rowland, Undercover: Cases of the RCMP ‘s Most Secret Operative (Markham, Ontario: Octopus Publishing, 1991). Pp. 314. $28.95.

Stephen J. Cimbala, Clausewitz and Escalation: Classical Perspective on Nuclear Strategy (London: Frank Cass, 1991). Pp. 218. £32.00.

Roger Carey and Trevor C. Salmon (eds), International Security in the Modern World (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1992). Pp. 241. £40.00.

Philip M. Taylor, War and Media: Propaganda and Persuasion in the Gulf War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). Pp. 14 + 338; index. £9.95.

Alex Danchev (ed.), International Perspectives on the Falklands Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1992). Pp. xii + 277. £40.00.

Alex Danchev (ed.), The Franks Report: Falkland Islands Review (London: Pimlico, 1992). Pp. xxiv+106. £9.00.

Andrew Orgill, The Falklands War: Background, Conflict, Aftermath. An Annotated Bibliography (London: Mansell, 1993). Pp. xii + 132. £35.00.

R. Connaughton, Military Intervention in the 1990s (London: Routledge, 1992). Pp. 208. £40.00.

Steven Z. Freiberger, Dawn Over Suez: The Rise of American Power in the Middle East, 1953–1957 (Chicago, IL: Ivan R. Dee, 1992). Pp. 286. US $26.50.

Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945–55 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). Pp. ix +371. US $27.95.

David Cesarani, Justice Delayed: How Britain became a Refuge for Nazi War Criminals (London: Heinemann, 1992). Pp. 326. £17.50.

Gary S. Messinger, British Propaganda and the State in the First World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). Pp. x + 292. £35.00.

Bradley F. Smith, The Ultra‐Magic Deals and the Most Secret Special Relationship 1940–1946 (Novalo, CA/Shrewsbury: Presidio Press/Airline Press). Pp. 176. $24.95; £17.95.

Peter R. Young (ed.), Defence and the Media in Time of Limited War (London: Frank Cass, 1992). Pp. 281. £30.00.

James Wood, A History of International Broadcasting (London: Peter Peregrinus, in association with the Science Museum, London, No. 19 in the Institution of Electrical Engineers’ History of Technology Series, 1992). Pp.264. £30.00.

Frank McLynn, Fitzroy Maclean (London: John Murray, 1992). Pp. 418. £25.00.

Peter Tennant, Touchlines of War (Hull: University of Hull Press, 1992). Pp. 312. £8.95.

Richard J. Aldrich (editor), British Intelligence, Strategy and the Cold War 1945–51 (London: Routledge, 1992). Pp. xiv + 347. £50.00 (hardback).  相似文献   

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