Political Participation in the Social-Democratic State A Normative-Empirical Framework for the Analysis of Decision-Making Involvement in Norway*

The purpose of the paper is to develop an integrated normative-empirical approach for an analysis of decision-making involvement in Norway. The analysis will be based on a national sample survey carried out in early 1981 (N = 1,650). After briefly defending the choice of ‘the social-democratic state’ as a context-specifying term, the discussion turns to problematizations of two central concepts: the political and participation. The result of this exercise is an ‘operational typology of decision-making involvement’ which stipulates eight zdifferent modes of involvement in terms of survey-operational measures. It is argued that the typology covers the entire spectrum of decision-making involvement in Norway; that it is unique in doing so; and that the conceptual differences involved have important normative empirical consequences. These latter are then developed in relation to three dominant perspectives in participation research; the expressivist, the instrumentalist, and the developmentalist points of view. Each of these perspectives is illustrated by a specific research strategy, and concluding remarks are made on the necessary integration of all three for a fuller comprehension of decision-making involvement in the social-democratic state.     

Local Corporatism in Norway*

In several countries changing market conditions and legislation regulating economic activity have led to the emergence of corporalist structures at the local as well as the national level. In Norway these have generated local institutional innovations which have had several important actual and potential consequences, ranging from a growth of neo-mercantilist policies to increased inter-community competition for industrial establishment and aid.     

腐败涉入中的自我合理化——一种认知心理学分析

自我合理化作为一种认知调适机制,其本质是通过重构自身行为的道德内涵以使其获得主观可接受性,从而减少认知失调所带来的心理压力。当行动者涉入腐败时,道德认知冲突往往使得他们诉诸自我合理化策略。具体而言,腐败涉入中的自我合理化策略主要包括八种类型,即合乎法律性、对责任的否认、对损害的否认、理所应得、有利对照、诉诸更高层的忠诚、功过相抵以及调整注意力。基于多渠道文本的编码分析呈现了腐败官员进行自我合理化的策略表现以及不同策略的使用频率。其中,对责任的否认、有利对照以及合乎法律性,是腐败官员最为常用的三种自我合理化策略。由于自我合理化使得行动者对腐败行为的容忍度增强,往往会诱发其涉入更严重的腐败犯罪。当腐败合理化观念逐渐为群体成员所相互承认,它还会为腐败群体化提供心理支撑。     

Leeway for Personal Impact: The Case of Foreign-Policy Making in Norway*

Setting their focus on the role of decision-makers at intermediate and higher levels of a country's foreign policy administration, the authors analyze contextual factors that may determine the impact of decision-makers' personal characteristics on foreign policy. The article highlights the dynamics of these factors in the case of Norwegian foreign policy-making in the mid- and late 1970s. Over time, there has been a general relaxation of formal bureaucratic constraints, including the use of internally recruited political appointment, compounded by the growth of non-traditional international public affairs. The Foreign Minister's leadership style appears to have served as a catalyst to create an environment in which middle-to-upper level administrative leaders and political appointees have had greater opportunity than previously to garner influence and make it felt.     

The Application of Game-Theory in the Study of Hierarchical Decision-Making*

The article discusses hierarchical decision-making within a rational-choice framework. The interaction between Superior and Subordinate is assumed to be influenced by three types of uncertainty regarding preferences, choice and ‘what happened’. A game-theoretical analysis indicates that the Control Game may represent the decision situation of the superior and the subordinate actors, particularly when modelled as a one-shot game with simultaneous moves. As this game has no Nash-equilibrium, it is difficult to predict an outcome. A rather tentative empirical testing is performed. Using data from the budgetary process in the city of Oslo, it seems that the agencies do not exploit strategic opportunities to increase spending. This supports the theoretical presumption that it is rational bureaucratic self-interest to comply with superior preferences, even under a non-controlled decision situation.     

The Politics of Cultural Dissent: Religion, Language, and Demonstrative Effects in Norway*

The problem d cultural identity is central to political science. Three distinct elements of cultural identity are defined: the conceptual, symbolic. and de-monstrative. Religion. language, and the teetotalist movement are suggested as indicators of these three components in the Norwegian context. The relative importance of these three aspects of cultural differentiation is analysed with regard to the changes in the Norwegian patty system in the years after 1884. It seeqs that language was the most significant element of cultural dissent in the formative years of the Norwegian party system.     

Socioeconomic analysis: A case of Tharparkar

Tharparkar is one of the arid zones of Sindh province which is highly affected due to its drought nature and the changes in climate. These changes are posing the serious threats to the life and livelihood of the surrounding community. This study aims to explore the social and economic conditions of the Tharparkar and the role of government and social enterprises and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to make the livelihood and socioeconomic conditions of the Tharparkar better and comfortable. The data was collected from the current literature, visits to the studied population, and interviews from the common people and some officials of government as well as social enterprises and NGOs.     

Macroeconomic Policy and Government Popularity in Norway 1963–1986*

Following the mainstream modelling of ‘politico-economic interaction’, the author reviews the major analyses of the Scandinavian countries. Noting that empirical findings diverge, both for the reaction function and the popularity function, the article estimates these relations on Norwegian data. For the popularity function, the analysis suggests that rates of inflation have a weak, but statistically significant impact on the popularity of governments. For the recent non-socialist governments, the analysis suggests greater impact of unemployment and real wage growth as well. The results for the reaction function support the mainstream notion that declining rates of inflation and increasing unemployment tend to cause more expansionary government policies. The estimated equations do not support the proposition that the election cycle or governments position on the opinion polls influences economic decision-making. Finally, the findings are discussed in the light of traditional normative positions     

Civic Decline? Trends in Political Involvement and Participation in Norway, 1965–2001

Electoral turnout in Norway has been declining over a long period for local elections and, at the four most recent Storting elections, turnout has been at a lower level than in the preceding 25 years. This article investigates whether the fall in turnout generalises to other forms of political participation and political involvement. Data from the Norwegian Election Studies 1965–2001 and the Norwegian Values Studies 1982–1996 are analysed. In contrast to the decline of turnout, the authors find that the broader political activity of citizens has increased. The rise in political involvement and activism is quite widespread, covering dimensions like political interest, political discussion and political action. The increase includes forms of participation where political parties play a strong role and in direct action where parties are supposed to be less important. Education is strongly associated with most forms of civic participation and the rise in educational levels normally leads to an increase in participation rates. Data show that women are now as active as men in most dimensions of participation. In Norway, turnout at elections displays one pattern over time, while other indicators of political participation and involvement show different trajectories. There is no general civic decline. Using political involvement and participation as a criterion for judging the state of democracy, and taking into account the whole set of indicators studied in this article, one may reasonably conclude that Norwegian civic democracy is in better health than if one focused only on the fall in electoral turnout.     

Sex, Resources, and Political Participation: Direct and Indirect Effects*

This article discusses the impact of sex and resources on political participation. The independent variables in the causal model are sex, education, organizational membership, and political involvement. Two measures of participation are used: frequency of voting and campaign participation. The results show that organization membership is the most important resource of participation. Organization is the only resource to have both indirect and direct effects. For sex and education, the effects are mediated through political involvement. The model is very weak in explaining variation in voting, but is clearly stronger in explaining variation in campaign participation.     

The Distribution of Political Participation in Norway: Alternative Perspectives on a Problem of Democratic Theory*

How citizen participation is distributed within the population is one of several fundamental questions of general significance to democratic theorists. This article briefly reviews some of the most salient normative arguments regarding the distribution of democratic citizen participation and then turns to the principal conceptual-methodological issues to be encountered when considering the basic empirical question. Against this background the Norwegian case is discussed in detail, first in light of prior synchronic investigations, then by means of a diachronic analysis of panel study data from the 1965, 1969 and 1973 national election surveys. These analyses document more broadly based citizen participation in Norway than might otherwise be anticipated and discredit the idea of a cumulative hierarchical overlap pattern of political involvement. The article concludes with a discussion of several considerations relating to these findings, all of which suggest the need for greater sensitivity and explicitness among those who would advance claims or comparisons regarding the distribution of citizen participation in modern democracies.     

The Electoral Effectiveness of Party Organization: Norway, 1945–1977*

Latent Variable Partial Least Squares analysis has been used to model the impact of political party organization on stable and changing patterns of party vote in Norway from 1945 to 1977. For the Norwegian Labor Party, the elaboration of a strategy of organizational encapsulation is at least as important as the economic base for maintaining the stability of the party's electoral support; it also depresses support for the opposition parties. Short-run fluctuations around the long-run stability, however, are more influence by economic changes than party organizational strategies, with the exception of the divisive 1973 election, when party organization was important for maintaining the party vote. For the non-Labor parties, party organization is less important than economic variables.     

Social Citizenship of Young People in Europe: A Comparative Institutional Analysis*

This article explains the diversity of young people’s access to social welfare by distinguishing between two models of social citizenship in a comparative analysis of 15 Western European countries. On the one hand, social citizenship can be familialized, when young people are considered as children and therefore do not receive state benefits in their own name. This form of citizenship is found in Bismarckian welfare states, based on the principle of subsidiarity. On the other hand, it can be individualized, in which case young people can be entitled to benefits in their own right, insofar as they are considered as adults. This form of social citizenship is found more in Beveridgean welfare states.     

The political transformation of a social democratic state: As the world moves in,Norway moves right*

Political change in Norway, as shown by a conservative resurgence, has to be considered in the context of half a century of social democratic dominance which has deeply affected political institutions and party policies. Change has become evident throughout the system, but the institutional components of the ‘social democratic state’ inhibit the shift towards a more traditional liberal‐pluralist regime. Recent developments, however, indicating a move to the right, especially evident for young voters, together with social democracy's own ideological self‐questioning, now point to the dismantlement of the social democratic state.     

Coalition Termination in Norway: Models and Cases

This article focuses on coalition termination in Norway and explores the questions: Which issues are severe enough to bring down a coalition government? To what extent are coalition crises caused by a complex bargaining environment? On the basis of a unified model for government solution, three cases are examined: the termination of Borten II in 1971, Willoch III in 1986, and Syse in 1990. The analysis demonstrates that the complexity of the bargaining environment is conditioned by the dimensionality of the party system. The stability of coalitions is restricted by the cleavage structure and the ideological diversity of the system, as parties are polarized along several conflict dimensions. Terminal issues are fundamentally related to the parties' position in the policy space. In order to preserve party identity and unity, political parties change from a cooperative to a competitive strategy when issues belonging to the “heartland” of the parties concerned become salient.