Taiwan's success and its challenges for the future

A look at Taiwan's success to date and the lessons for developing countries. The article also examines the daunting challenges ahead for Taiwan in a changing global order.     

2010—2011年东盟经济的分析与预测

2010年,东盟国家经济相继从衰退中复苏,主要东盟国家经济呈现出上半年强劲反弹、下半年增长放缓的态势。各国开始着手实施经济刺激计划的退出,积极应对国内通货膨胀和资产泡沫的出现。2010年,可以说是东盟区域经济一体化具有里程碑意义的一年,各类区域经济一体化形式均取得新进展。在新的国内外经济形势下,东盟国家经济发展将面临着新的挑战,这将考验各国政府的宏观调控能力。     

2012—2013年世界侨情:背景、特点及应对

文章简要回顾了2012年世界侨情发展的宏观大背景,从移民政策、政治、经济、教育、文化、安全、社团等主要方面概述了世界侨情发展动态及特点,并对华人社会主要问题提出了应对思考。     

印尼2011年政治、经济、外交形势回顾与展望

2011年印尼政坛出现了多起腐败案件,严重影响了民主党和执政联盟的威望;苏西诺在呼吁声中成功改组内阁,保持政局稳定;地方分离主义、暴力冲突事件时有发生,造成了社会不稳定。但是印尼经济快速增长,各项宏观经济指标发展良好,国际信誉评级被提升至亚洲金融危机前的水平。对外关系方面,印尼注重加强与东盟的区域合作,同时积极扩大与大国的关系。     

新时期海外侨情变化及侨务工作的发展与应对——评《世界侨情报告:2011—2012》

《世界侨情报告:2011—2012》是一部以反映当前海外侨情变化为主要内容的专题报告类出版物,力求及时研讨全球传统及最新华侨华人居住国侨情动态变化情况,并针对实际问题提出侨务政策建议。该报告具有涉及面广、时效性鲜明等特点,但也存在对个别国家和地区的侨情关注度不够等问题。     

Regions and the constitution for Europe: German and British impacts

Regions have attempted to influence the emerging constitutional order of the EU for around 20 years. The German Länder have made a particular impact in sensitising the Union to regional concerns at successive Intergovernmental Conferences since Maastricht. They were also the leading regional voice in shaping debates at the Convention on the Future of Europe, though the Scottish government also succeeded in leaving an imprint on the Constitution for Europe. This article contrasts the different understandings in Germany and Scotland of how regions should make their interests felt. The German Länder have opted for a strategy focused heavily on using the structure of the member state to limit EU regulation of their fields of competence, while the Scottish government developed a more open-ended and flexible strategy based also in constructive engagement beyond the member state at the EU level. In the light of the Scottish approach the article questions whether the Länder strategy is too one-dimensional, leaving them over-dependent on the German federal government.     

The politics of consensus: al-Nahda and the stability of the Tunisian transition

Abstract

Tunisia&s transition away from authoritarianism has been shaped by a politics of consensus, which has brought together representatives of the former regime with their historic adversary, the Islamist movement al-Nahda. This article argues that consensus politics was a legacy of the authoritarian regime that was re-produced during a democratizing transition. The politics of consensus was encouraged and enabled by al-Nahda, which prioritized its inclusion within this elite settlement to provide political security for itself and the broader transition. However, this came at a cost, engineering a conservative transition, which did not pursue significant social or economic reform. The Tunisian case shows that historical legacies, such as consensus politics, can shape a transition as much as contingent, pragmatic decisions by political leaders.     

中国与东盟的贸易变迁:1992—2012

过去20年,中国和东盟间的贸易增长很快,贸易结构也发生了很多变化。本文主要考察这一时期双边贸易的变化,对其中的贸易构成、贸易强度、行业内贸易、贸易互补和贸易竞争等问题进行了研究。     

南海问题分析与预测(2010—2011)

2010年南海问题的发展轨迹已经限定了2011年南海问题的发展趋势。2011年,美国与东盟轮值主席国印度尼西亚将有力地影响南海问题的走势。由于矛盾错综复杂,各方期待的《南海地区行为准则》相对于《南海各方行为宣言》行动指南更加难以落实。南海问题除了对相关各国的传统影响仍将继续存在之外,对区域国际关系和地缘政治的影响将有所增加。     

中国与海上丝绸之路沿线国家的贸易演变:1992—2014

本文采用贸易强度指数、行业内贸易指数、出口相似度指数、显示性比较优势指数等指标对中国和海上丝绸之路沿线国家的贸易结构、贸易关系紧密程度、行业内贸易以及贸易竞争性的演变进行了研究。研究发现1992—2014年间,双方的出口产品结构升级明显,贸易紧密程度不断变化,行业内贸易水平经历了先上升后下降的过程。2013年以来,双方在主要市场的贸易竞争性再次增强,但在总计66个行业中,仅有7个行业存在明显的出口竞争关系。     

Tertiary institutions and capacity building in Ghana: challenges and the way forward

The last two decades have seen tremendous growth in tertiary education in Ghana. The prevailing consensus is that universities play a crucial role in development by making it possible to generate human capital in key areas such as health, agriculture, and engineering, also contributing to the attainment self-sufficiency. Whilst contributing to capacity building, this paper argues that universities in Ghana have had to contend with a number of challenges: low female access to universities, especially in science and technology-related courses; inadequate funds; poor research activity; and large class sizes. Making research a priority, designating strategic planning teams with appropriate institutional and financial support, developing cooperation with private universities, expanding access through the use of external degree centres and distance learning, and deepening universities’ relevance to societal needs, are identified as central to the enhancement of capacity building in Ghana.     

Governing the Safety and Security of the Malacca Strait: The Nippon Foundation between States and Industry

ABSTRACT

Despite long-standing sovereignty sensitivities, the Malacca and Singapore Straits have been the site of co-operative governance and regime building. Of note is the 2007 Co-operative Mechanism of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, characterised as a milestone achievement in regional co-operation towards improved safety and security in the Straits. Yet, well before the Co-operative Mechanism were also earlier instances of co-operation dating to the 1970s – specifically between the Straits’ littoral states under a tripartite framework and Japanese actors through the Malacca Strait Council. In addition to providing a template for the Co-operative Mechanism, these arrangements offer alternative models of governance and regime building that challenge conventional characterisations of “regional governance” – what it looks like, as well as its driving actors. This article considers the significance of these early efforts, with attention to the ways that the region’s developmental context bears on the actors, structures and processes of governance in Southeast Asia. Not only does this historical process of co-operation give expression to alternative governing arrangements composed of mixed actors and obligations, but an unconventional governance agent – the Nippon Foundation – has played an especially defining role in bringing actors to the table and substantiating the co-operative process.     

Globalization and the global city: Meeting the challenges of the twenty-first century

This article considers the impact of globalization on the development of a nation-state's economic competitiveness in the twenty-first century. It argues that cities must enhance their governing capacity, i.e., adjust their economic bases, administrative structures and business cultures to suit the needs of transnational corporations. Using South Korea as a case study, the article makes a case for futher democratization of political power and decentralization of economic power. The article also suggests a set of strategies for cities to be viable in the globalizing world economy.     

越南官方媒体的中国认知变迁分析——以越南《人民报》(2000～2011)为样本

越南官方媒体《人民报》关于中国的报道变化反映了越南官方对中国认知的变迁,这种认知变迁进而影响到越南的对华政策行为。近十年来,越南官方的中国认知正经历着从榜样到伙伴、从关注低级政治领域向关注高级政治领域以及从追赶到平等的变迁。作为同一地区同时崛起的两个邻国,中国与越南基于意识形态和政治制度的双边关系正逐渐向基于各自国家利益、为应对共同挑战和促进彼此发展的双边关系转变。因此,中国在实施睦邻政策时也应适当调整思路与措施,加强低级政治领域的利益捆绑并增进两国人民间的多层次交往。     

The feminist movement during the AKP era in Turkey: challenges and opportunities

This article explores women's rights activism in Turkey during the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) time in power (2002–present). A comparative analysis of three feminist campaigns for policy reform shows that in a context in which majority public opinion and the policy preferences of the ruling party militate against feminist policy proposals, a strong political ally (the European Union) was necessary to generate a policy change. The article also argues that the political opportunity structures within which feminists are embedded have been reconfigured over the course of the AKP's three terms in power, leaving the AKP in a stronger position to resist feminists’ demands. This explains the paradox of an internally stronger and more dynamic social movement that, nevertheless, appears to have weakened vis-à-vis the state. Furthermore, because some recent legal reforms do not significantly reflect the AKP's or much of the public's preferences, the movement has been less able to generate implementation of recent policy changes.