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Many scholars stress that teaching about the shared past plays a major role in the formation of national, ethnic, religious, and regional identities, in addition to influencing intergroup perceptions and relations. Through the analysis of historic narratives in history textbooks this paper shows how the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine uses state-controlled history education to define their national identity and to present themselves in relations to each other. For example, history education in Ukraine portrays Russia as oppressive and aggressive enemy and emphasizes the idea of own victimhood as a core of national identity. History education in the Russian Federation condemns Ukrainian nationalism and proclaims commonality and unity of history and culture with Russian dominance over “younger brother, Ukraine”. An exploration of the mechanisms that state-controlled history education employs to define social identities in secondary school textbooks can provide an early warning of potential problems being created between the two states.  相似文献   

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In this essay we argue that changes in political structures in post-Soviet Ukraine have affected the potential for conflict during transition. Relying on organisational theory to determine the potential for conflict in Ukraine, we argue that this potential is structurally determined by the changing character of societal relations within and beyond Ukraine. The potential for conflict was always present in post-Soviet Ukraine, but this essay examines the facts of when, how and why conflict happened, and how it was related to weak state institutions, centre–periphery relations and an unsettled relationship with Russia. Relying on our analytical framework, we conclude that the conditions for further conflict greatly outweigh the conditions for peace.  相似文献   

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苏联顾问在东欧:一个历史考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
二战之后,随着东西方冷战思维的形成和冷战的加剧,随着苏联东欧政策的根本转变,一大批苏联顾问出现在东欧地区.他们为什么而来?他们的到来给东欧各国造成了什么影响?本文拟根据近年来解密的俄罗斯档案材料,对二战后苏联派遣顾问到东欧地区的经过、动机与影响进行剖析和考察.  相似文献   

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苏东剧变后,中东欧国家毫无例外地摒弃了计划经济,实行市场经济。从1989年开始,这个转轨进程已经历时14年,并与全球化进程有着密切的关系。  相似文献   

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在新闻媒体方面,美国长期以来把自己标榜成客观、公正的典范。但实际情况是,美国的媒体并未走出受制于政府的阴影。媒体是美国国家利益的代言人,是美国国家总体利益的组成部分。一般情况下,美国政府对媒体的管理是采用一些主动的方式进行的,如召开新闻发布会、实施新闻审查等。在美国人中有这样一种传说,即“战争是新闻自由的最大障碍”。  相似文献   

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和平与发展的时代主题确立了新型两制关系的基础。社会主义与资本主义的区别从“有无剥削”转变为“何种平等”。社会主义市场经济通过政府作用锁定共同富裕目标,展示了与资本主义市场经济在价值理念和体制机制上的不同。中美贸易战属于资本主义摆脱战略困境的一部分。  相似文献   

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This paper identifies some deficiencies in the theory of value as found in traditional economics, specifically the fallacy of absolute value and its spurious resolution that treats prices as a priori parameters rather than as variables to be explained. One is a fallacy of omission, the other of commission, which together comprise the epistemological paradox of the modern neoclassical theory of value. This paper advances a different, sociological approach to economic value or market prices as a possible corrective to this paradox. Such an approach has origins in sociological economics or economic sociology, the main premise of which is that social influences in the economy affect the formation of value or price. This paper therefore explores the seldom examined social underpinnings of price formation and of market processes generally.  相似文献   

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Israeli society has changed its attitude to the sacrifice of life in war, a change that is reflected in the bereavement discourse. Attitudes have shifted from the unquestioned justification of military losses prior to the First Lebanon War (1982) to the emergence of an antiwar bereavement discourse after the war and during the South Lebanon war of attrition that followed it. More recently, following the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the Second Lebanon War (2006), a discourse that accepts losses has emerged. While the retreat from the hegemonic discourse prior to the First Lebanon War is explained by the changing attitudes to military sacrifice among the social elites, the latter shift took place in parallel with the alteration of the social composition of the Israeli Defence Force. It is argued that the social composition of the military affects the level of sensitivity to losses. While secular upper-middle class groups tend to show a high level of sensitivity to war losses, which they then translate into a subversive bereavement discourse, religious and peripheral groups with a hawkish agenda are more tolerant of military losses, or, alternatively, may seek to avoid excessive casualties by improving the military’s performance or the quality of the political directives.
Yagil LevyEmail:
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This article (and more broadly this special issue) indicate that various types of policy networks, including governance networks, social networks, proto‐networks, and issue networks are defining the way that policy processes take place in various parts of the world. By focusing on network behavior in Africa, eastern Europe, and Denmark, it is clear that interorganizational cohesion, accesibility, trust generation, and “framing” issues are central to understanding network policy outcomes. Important implications regarding links between network characteristics and democracy are also suggested.  相似文献   

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顾小存 《当代世界》2008,(12):59-61
中美经贸关系的新特点回首近30年中美经贸关系的发展历程,虽然贸易摩擦和争端不断,但发展仍十分迅速。中国加入世界贸易组织以来,中美经贸合作进入快速发展期,呈现出更加明显的互利性的特征。28年中,中美贸易额从1979年的不足25亿美元,迅速增长到2007年底的3020.8亿美元,增长了120多倍。这种巨额增长使得中美两国都从迅速发展的互利贸易中获得了巨大的利益。不断发展的中美经贸关系呈现以下新的特点:  相似文献   

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