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"9·11"事件与美国保守主义   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
郝雨凡 《美国研究》2002,16(2):7-30
近年来美国政治风向在缓慢向右移动,保守主义有兴起之势."9·11"恐怖袭击事件在很大程度上推动了美国的保守主义运动.布什政府以反恐和国家安全为由,对内采取了一系列举措,强化社会控制,蚕食公民权利,扩大行政当局权力,并削弱立法和司法部门的权限.这已经引起美国公众的警觉和自由派势力的抵制.但预计近期内一个活跃而武断的行政当局将会成为美国的政治现实,美国公民的隐私权将受到一定限制,美国社会的宽容、开放、司法公正和独立也将会受到一定程度的削弱.虽然布什希望延长"反恐战争",重振美国保守主义运动,但美国多元政治中的约束力量也已经开始发挥作用.  相似文献   

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福克斯新闻频道的崛起与美国保守主义   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
美国福克斯新闻频道在1996年成立后,只用了5年多时间便迅速崛起为美国有线电视的"收视王",击败了首创24小时新闻频道理念的美国有线电视新闻网.#福克斯新闻频道的成功,与其鲜明的个性、煽动性的言论吸引受众有关;更重要的是,福克斯新闻频道的保守化倾向正好迎合了美国社会过去10多年来的保守化思潮,这是它迅速崛起的大环境和深层次原因.  相似文献   

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美国人的特性及其对美国教育的影响   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
李柏思 《美国研究》2001,15(1):124-131
我是个职业外交官.在过去大约25年里,我的工作就是介绍美国,向亚洲、欧洲和南美洲的民众,说明美国的社会、文化、历史与政治.除了担任外交官,我也当过老师.1971到1973年,我在香港中文大学教过英文和美国文学.所以说我在教育方面也有一些经验.本文所要谈的是美国的教育制度,以及美国教育制度如何受到美国人的特性所影响,但是我要用迂回的方式来说.首先,我想问一个简单但是与教育不太有关的问题:究竟什么是美国人?美国人与法国人、德国人、日本人、甚至中国人有什么不同?而美国的文化与社会特性,又如何影响美国的政治制度?然后,再回到原来的主题教育,谈谈美国的生活方式如何影响到美国的教育制度?  相似文献   

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The article examines the rise of the one of the most extremist political parties in Europe, Golden Dawn. It sketches the historical trajectory of the Greek far right, examines the ideological, organisational and voter profile of Golden Dawn, and offers possible explanations for its breakthrough in the 2012 elections. The article shows how the economic crisis has brought a massive realignment of the Greek electorate away from mainstream parties, giving rise to anti-system and anti-immigrant sentiments. Golden Dawn's violent tactics have allowed the party to establish an anti-system and anti-immigrant profile and capitalise on these sentiments. The party's future will depend on its capacity to absorb organisationally any future tensions between party pragmatists and idealists.  相似文献   

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In recent years, media columnists have been instrumental in redefining Australian conservatism. One of the most prominent is Janet Albrechtsen. Using her critique of a bill of rights, this article examines how this new Australian conservatism rejects or reverses core elements of traditional conservatism. Utilitarianism exchanges the transcendent for the social. Equality and democracy replace elitism. Elites were minorities, albeit ones with leadership virtue. Now minorities of any sort threaten equality and undermine democracy. These changes reflect broader changes in society itself. In this sense, conservatism has made peace with modernity, hostility to which originally prompted its birth. Now the enemy is internationalism or postmodernity, the two often interchangeable. Albrechtsen's hostility to a bill of rights matches her rejection of international law and institutions that threaten the nation‐state and its guarantee of democracy and the rule of law.  相似文献   

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自布什政府上台以来,美国在国际事务中奉行单边主义政策.阿富汗战争后,美国穷兵黩武,不顾国际社会的和平努力,发动了伊拉克战争.其放纵单边主义和军事本能的做法招致了国际社会的强烈反对和不满,国家的影响力和吸引力受到重创.伊战中的情报失真事件和虐囚丑闻更使其恶化的国际形象雪上加霜,美国的软实力在不断受到削弱.  相似文献   

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约翰·伯奇协会(John Birch Society,以下简称协会)是战后美国出现的一个极右组织。麦卡锡主义遭谴责后冷战格局的进一步发展,美国国内社会问题的日益严重,《权利法案》提供的保护以及美国国内存在的区域纷争,为协会的建立和存续提供了条件。与麦卡锡主义一样,协会也主张“共产主义阴谋论”,但在表述方法和所包含的内容方面又较麦卡锡主义灵活而丰富。作为一个组织,协会实行严格的集权制管理,通过发行刊物和公报、建立委员会、寄发邮件和游行示威等方式宣传自己的主张。它的极右言行对战后美国保守主义运动产生了不容忽视的影响,但协会对“共产主义阴谋论”的泛化和它对美国政界人物的指责,使它逐步失去了保守主义运动主流派的支持,沦为边缘右派。  相似文献   

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After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, interest in the Middle East and Islam has surged in Japan as well as the rest of the world. This marks the third time in modern history that there has been such a surge in interest in the region. The first oil crisis in 1973 and the Gulf War in 1991 had prompted the other occasions. On the previous occasions, the interest had been fleeting and had not had any lasting effect on the economic and political trends of Japan. In this article, Akira Mizuguchi, senior research fellow at the Middle East Institute of Japan, reflects on Japan's relationship with Islam. In a world of increasing globalization, the role of the nation state is changing. He considers whether Japanese interests within the framework of the nation state should determine strategies for energy, which has an enormous impact on economic activity. Also, he ponders on the best way to respond to the various social problems arising from the increase in multicultural friction.  相似文献   

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据朝鲜半岛古代文人的大量诗文记载,大约1614年,烟草由日本传入朝鲜半岛,并迅速传播开来,进而又输入中国东北地区。朝鲜的烟草种植面积广、管理精细,烟叶品质高,深受欢迎。吸烟已成为朝鲜人生活的重要内容,烟草对朝鲜经济、文化的影响也很大。另外,朝鲜人也对烟草的弊端进行了批判。烟草在古代朝鲜半岛的广泛传播和重要影响,是东亚农史不可或缺的一部分,是世界烟草传播历史的重要一环,同时也是朝鲜汉文学的重要主题和内容之一。  相似文献   

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In this article we seek to trace through the major stands of British Euroscepticism and concentrate, in particular, on the importance of a powerful 'hyperglobalist' Eurosceptical strand within British Conservatism. We investigate the British Conservatives' recent divisions over European integration, against the background of the party's increasingly marginal status in British party politics. The piece also draws on findings from two recent surveys of the attitudes of British parliamentarians to European integration, carried out by the Members of Parliament Project for the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). We explore how Conservative divisions of opinion are related in part to particular understandings of globalisation and regionalisation and attempt to show how globalist ideology has unexpectedly re–emphasised and bolstered the traditional nationalism of the Tory party and caused an increasingly hostile attitude amongst many British Conservatives towards the European project as it is presently constituted. We also examine recent attempts to map British Conservative Euroscepticism on to continental varieties using a mixture of ideological positioning and party system (Taggart 1998), arguing that this ignores the extent to which British Eurosceptics advance unique (in EU member state terms) hyperglobalist (rather than isolationist or protectionist) arguments in objecting to further European integration.  相似文献   

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陈奕平 《东南亚研究》2003,23(5):59-62,80
近年来,美国工会对国际经贸乃至世界经济的影响日益凸现,我国政府和企业应积极采取相应措施积极应对。本文分析了美国工会的特点及对中美经贸活动的影响,并提出了一些应对之策。  相似文献   

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近期美国的东南亚战略及对中国的影响刍议   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
冷战结束初期 ,由于苏联的解体及美国国内孤立主义的抬头 ,美国在东南亚地区实行收缩战略 ,特别是在军事领域。近年来 ,美国又全面重返东南亚。美国在东南亚的战略从冷战时期的美苏争霸转化为美国尽力维持在东南亚的单极霸权。小布什政府上台后 ,美冷战思维重新抬头 ,美军事战略重点向亚太转移 ,并将东南亚作为美国亚太战略的重要一环 ,展现出咄咄逼人的态势。本文试图从美国的安全战略入手 ,对美国近期的东南亚战略进行分析 ,并研讨其对中国的影响。  相似文献   

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当前,国际社会正处于"百年未有之大变局"中,中美两国竞争加剧。在这一背景下,美国南海政策的军事化倾向尤为突出。通过案例分析、运用比较分析的方法对美国南海政策军事化及其影响进行探究,可以看出美国南海政策军事化的主要目的是遏制中国的崛起。为达到这一目的,美国提升了"航行自由行动"的频率和烈度,增加了在南海内沿和外围的军事战略存在,还加强了与盟国的同盟关系。不过,美国国内有一部分人认为南海政策军事化目前并未达到其希望的效力,反而使美国在战争与和平之间愈加难以保持平衡。美国在南海地区的影响力受到挑战的同时,中美关系也因此有所倒退,南海局势变得更加复杂。鉴于此,中国一方面要保持克制态度,增强危机意识,做好预案,通过高质量外交对话等方式增进与美国的政治互信,另一方面也要加快推进与东盟国家《南海各方行为准则》的谈判与磋商,与东盟国家一道维护好南海地区的和平与稳定。  相似文献   

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This article examines the political and diplomatic struggles in urban South Vietnam from the perspective of women in the Vietnamese Women’s Movement for the Right to Live (WRL) during the Vietnam War. This movement was a timely response to the American war of aggression, which had destroyed the fabric of South Vietnamese society and drastically diminished women’s position within it by 1970. Under the leadership of Mrs. Ngô Bá Thành, the WRL fought for peace and women’s liberation through political action and shrewd diplomacy. Unlike female guerrilla fighters, the WRL maintained political autonomy and neutrality throughout the conflict. As a result, it was violently repressed by the Saigon government and quickly disbanded after the communist victory in 1975. Nevertheless, studying these politically sophisticated women’s anti-war efforts is crucial to understanding the symbiotic yet destructive relationship between Third World women and American imperialism during the twentieth century. It also helps dismantle essentialist assumptions about Asian women as inherently submissive and politically naïve. The WRL is a sterling example of Vietnamese women’s ingenuity in their dual struggle for national liberation and gender equality.  相似文献   

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