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俄罗斯民族和国家形成的过程也是俄罗斯民族认同形成的过程,东正教和专制制度分别为民族认同提供了文化和政治方面的基础。在这个过程中,俄罗斯民族的思想也逐渐成熟,以东正教和专制制度思想为特征的政治文化是其中的重要内容。俄罗斯民族正是依靠这种独特的政治文化基础,形成内部自我认同,确立外部自我形象,在众多认同标准中以此为主要指向。  相似文献   

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乌克兰危机的民族政治解读   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
乌克兰危机是民主政治、大国地缘政治博弈、民族政治等要素杂糅并复合互动的产物,作者从民族政治的角度对之加以解读。第一,历史上的民族积怨与对立是导致乌克兰危机的重要历史根源,但它在当下如何被“记忆”与“重新发现”才是理解这一根源的关键。第二,在乌克兰二十余年国家建设中,出现了国族主导与主体民族主导两种路径的张力与冲突,这是导致当前乌克兰危机的深层次国内政治根源。第三,在乌克兰民主实践中,出现了现代政党政治与传统民族政治合体的趋势,这一合体包含了内在张力,实际上是乌克兰国家转型不成熟的标志,这是当前乌克兰危机爆发的政治制度与政治文化根源。第四,不恰当地运用民族自决权,则是乌克兰危机迈向国际危机的重要根源。第五,从国内政治角度看,乌克兰危机源自国家建设的失败,其民族政治更应从国家建设意义上加以审视。鉴于乌克兰危机短时间难有转机,面对危机发酵以及后危机时代的冲突治理,民族政治因素的负面作用仍不容忽视,民族政治在未来的乌克兰政治生活中仍将是一个棘手的对象。  相似文献   

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面对西方资本主义生产方式的扩展 ,被迫卷入现代化进程的后发展中国家不得不对自己民族国家传统文化的价值与功效进行深刻思考 ,俄罗斯对自己民族国家的身份识别长期存在严重的两极化倾向 ,朝野上下不能达成共识 ,形成合力 ,甚至目前仍然存在分歧。这种思想观念、意识形态的分野极不利于国家与社会的健康发展。  相似文献   

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本文首先为分析俄国国际行为提供了一个外交史的研究路径:20世纪俄国激进变迁的遗产;影响俄国外交的4个持久因素,即相对的经济落后性、多元文化的国家社会、可渗透的边疆及文化的边缘性,这些是正确认识俄国外交的入口.其次,本文分析了影响俄罗斯外交的新因素:苏联解体不仅使整个俄罗斯国家发生了结构性的变化,而且使俄国开始了一场影响深远的制度变迁,充分理解这一因素对俄国外交的影响,是把握俄罗斯外交政策变迁的关键.最后,本文通过上述历史与现实相结合的分析框架,评价了俄国近年来的外交政策过程,得出了一个较为乐观的结论:俄国不仅是21世纪世界多极化发展趋势的重要力量,而且也是国际稳定和合作的积极因素.  相似文献   

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乌克兰独立后,由于语言政策与现实严重背离,俄语地位问题凸显,并成为各种政治力量谋求利益最大化的工具,具有严重政治化和意识形态化、影响因素多、地区差异大、目标多样性等特点。要想成功解决这一问题,就必须做到完全地“去政治化”和“去意识形态化”。赋予俄语区域语言地位已成为乌克兰社会的主流意识,为俄语谋求更高法律地位的斗争将长...  相似文献   

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乌克兰危机发生后,2014年欧洲和国际能源市场总体上并未呈现大起大落态势,全球油气价格反而稳中有降,这一表象的背后隐藏着俄、美、欧之间复杂的能源博弈。虽然俄罗斯没有如2006年和2009年那样切断对乌克兰的天然气供应,能源供应也未成为本次危机中威胁乌克兰和欧盟国家的焦点事件。但鉴于俄、乌两国分别是全球最重要的能源生产国和过境国,能源仍可能是俄、美、欧各方推进自身内外政策的重要工具。在此次危机中,俄罗斯“以我为主”,坚持政经分离的政策,不希望政治冲突影响自身能源利益。美国“主动进攻”,试图通过金融工具来影响能源价格,利用俄罗斯经济与国际社会接轨的一面,对俄罗斯施加压力。相比之下,欧盟在能源供应来源方面虽然仍旧处于弱势和被动地位,但已开始加速多元化步伐,并将继续强化与美国的合作。俄、美、欧三方激烈的能源博弈,围绕地缘政治的权力逻辑和全球治理的建章立制逻辑而展开,直接推动俄罗斯能源出口重心东移,为中国主动对俄施展能源外交、中日韩能源合作以及中美能源经贸合作提供了机遇。作为世界能源领域的需求大国,中国应积极参与全球能源治理,以确保充足的外部能源供应和国内能源问题的解决。  相似文献   

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Despite efforts to bolster failed states over the past two decades, many states in the international system still exhibit endemic weakness. External intervention often leads to political instability and in most cases fails to foster state consolidation, instead empowering and creating ties with the ones it aims to weaken. Using the case of Afghanistan, I develop a typology of political orders that explains variation in degrees of state consolidation and provides the basis for more systematic comparative analysis. I demonstrate the resilience of a political logic according to which non-state armed actors (warlords) “shape-shift” and constantly reinvent themselves to adapt to changing political environments. This article, based on extensive field research in Afghanistan, shows why failed states are unlikely to consolidate and exhibit Western-style state building, as a result of intervention or otherwise.  相似文献   

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We use data from an innovative nationally representative survey of 6,000 Pakistanis in April 2009 to study beliefs about political Islam, Sharia, the legitimacy and efficacy of jihad, and attitudes towards specific militant organizations. These issues are at the forefront of U.S. policy towards Pakistan. Four results shed new light on the politics of militancy and Islamic identity in Pakistan. First, there is no relationship between measures of personal religiosity and the likelihood a respondent expresses highly sectarian sentiments. Second, militarized jihad is widely seen as legitimate in Pakistan but there are substantial regional differences in the acceptance of militarized jihad. Third, attitudes towards militant groups vary dramatically across groups, particularly when it comes to the efficacy of their actions. Fourth, while Pakistanis express massive levels of support for Sharia law, this is driven by its perceived connection with good governance, not by sympathy with the goals of militant groups claiming to implement it.  相似文献   

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集体认同与国际政治——一种文化视角   总被引:29,自引:0,他引:29  
文化已成为后冷战时代国际关系研究领域的重要维度。在建构主义国际政治学理论中 ,文化是指不同国家行为体经过国家间互动、社会学习而共同拥有的国际规范、国际制度和国际规则等共有知识或集体知识。文化结构的研究包括规范、制度、认同等一系列范畴。本文以温特为代表的建构主义主流学派的国际政治理论为基础 ,试图阐发集体认同与国际关系的互动 ,以及与国际安全之间的构成性关系。  相似文献   

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The idea of indigenousness has been evoked to legitimize group exclusive claims including separate territories in North-East India. By analyzing experiences in Meghalaya and Manipur, the article argues that the colonial ethnic categorization that produced “ethnic conglomerates” has generated a number of problems leading to conflict in the postindependence period. First, certain composite identities have been formed by bringing together under a single umbrella a range of distinct indigenous groups' identity, often leading to the suppression of smaller identities within the larger group. Thus, the smaller groups struggle to have their own identities recognized. Furthermore, the imposed ethnic categorization has enabled the contemporary political class, which has simply perpetuated the colonial system, to use cultural identity and “indigenousness” instrumentally to their own advantage.  相似文献   

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While the use of simulations in the international relations classroom has proliferated over the past decade, this pedagogical tool has been largely neglected in the comparative politics classroom. Simulations in comparative politics can be a useful component in teaching students about the diversity within foreign countries and the dynamic of domestic policymaking. We describe here an informative and easy-to-run simulation on Russian federalism which can be integrated into courses on Russian politics or easily adapted for use in other courses, especially those focusing on countries in which center-regional relations are an important dimension. The simulation is based on the Russian Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Federal Assembly, and is a great way to illustrate through experiential learning the quid pro quo of Russian federalism. We provide detailed information on English-language sources that both instructors and students can use during the simulation, along with an Appendix and a Website that provides everything instructors need to run the simulation in their own classes.  相似文献   

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Various developments in the post–WWII global economy have led many scholars of international relations to contend that borders are eroding. My argument takes issue with this, suggesting that borders are not becoming increasingly meaningless; instead, some states are working to endow them with meaning in innovative ways. Specifically, I examine the trade disputes over culture industries during recent GATT and NAFTA talks to demonstrate that some states are shifting their attention from territorial borders to conceptual or invisible borders. Many governments support the removal of borders that serve as barriers to the movement of goods, services, capital, information, and, in some cases, people. Nevertheless, these same governments resist the increasing permeability of borders that provide the boundaries of political community.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯地域辽阔 ,横跨欧亚两大洲 ,夹在东西方文化之间。在世界文化图景中 ,俄罗斯和其他国家、民族间隔着一层“铁幕”,它总会摇摆于东西方之间。特殊的生存环境造就了俄罗斯民族的独特性格。他们在大敌当前时曾表现出非凡的爱国热情 ,勇敢顽强 ,不怕牺牲 ,但在和平时期 ,一些俄罗斯人又显得懒散 ;俄罗斯拥有堪称世界瑰宝的芭蕾舞艺术以及杰出的音乐、文学和绘画作品 ,但在日常生活中 ,一些俄罗斯人又不太看中较高的物质文化。思考这些现象时 ,我们情不自禁地想起俄国诗人丘特切夫的诗句 :“用智慧理解不了俄罗斯 ,用一般标准衡量不了俄罗斯。  相似文献   

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