Prime Minister Nakasone and The United States of America

Although it is commonly believed that as Prime Minister of Japan, Nakasone Yasuhiro focused diplomatic efforts on the United States, his first trip abroad as prime minister was to the Republic of Korea. In the 1950s, he was even a vocal critic of the US-Japan alliance. But he was different from many other politicians in reading books, traveling abroad to discuss issues with foreign leaders, and soliciting ideas and advice from intellectuals. In the end, he acquired mature views on how to fight the Cold War as well as maintain robust relations with the US. This article traces the evolving approach he had with the United States from the Occupation through the “Ron-Yasu” relationship during his prime ministership.     

Nakasone Yasuhiro: The Former Prime Minister and His Times

Leaders should be judged based on whether they had foresight and whether they were able to risk their jobs to live out their convictions. Japan suffered from a lack of good leaders before WWII. Since then outstanding leaders carried out their convictions and solved postwar issues. Nakasone Yasuhiro (1918–2019) was the first postwar Prime Minister (1982–1987) who squarely placed Japan as an important member of the industrialized democracies. During his term as prime minister, he improved relations between Japan and the US as well as between Japan and other Asian countries, especially China and the Republic of Korea, thereby raising Japan’s presence around the world. Domestically he boldly implemented reforms in security, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and in solidifying power in the office of prime minister. He breathed his last but his legacy remains.     

Strategic Japan-South Korea Cooperation: Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro and Korean Peninsula Diplomacy

The Nakasone administration placed a high priority on relations with South Korea in diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Northeast Asia. He was the first Japanese Prime Minister to make an official visit, displaying a powerful leadership style in regard to Japan-South Korea relations that led to success in establishing a relationship of strategic cooperation between the two countries.     

震动马来西亚的首相辞职

文章主要分析 2 0 0 2年 6月马来西亚首相马哈蒂尔辞职的原因及其影响。笔者认为 :1 马哈蒂尔首相辞职的主要原因是在他能掌控局势的情况下交班 ,以保证马来族和马来西亚顺利地进入后马时代 ;2 辞职选择的时机也比较合适 ,目前马来西亚的政经形势基本保证政权顺利交接 ,避免出现像邻国类似情况的社会动荡 ;3 过渡时期马来西亚的各项政策不会有太大的变化 ,过渡期满马哈蒂尔首相应照计划交班 ,除非出现足以动摇国阵政权的重大事变 ,至于后马时代的马来西亚局势如何 ,接班人阿都拉个人的能力将起很大的作用。     

Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister

Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive.     

近代日本内阁首相产生机制研究

近代日本在内阁更迭之际,拥有任命内阁首相大权的天皇,不直接指定继任首相,而是就首相人选咨询于一些特殊集团,这些集团将他们认为合适的人选奏荐给天皇,再由天皇降旨给被奏荐者,命其组阁,从而形成了独特的产生继任内阁首相时的奏荐机制。首先从制度层面分析这种奏荐机制何以能够产生和存在;进而分析参与奏荐的元老、以内大臣为首的宫中、重臣等势力的构成及性质;并依据不同时期参与奏荐的主体的演变,将奏荐的历史过程分为几个阶段进行阐述。通过奏荐产生内阁首相是近代日本有别于其它国家的一种政治现象,体现了近代日本天皇制非立宪的一面。     

The New Cabinet Crisis Management Center and the Leadership of the Prime Minister

In May 2001, a cabinet crisis management center was set up below the prime minister's new official residence. It is from here that Japan's national crises are now to be managed. In an era of constant flux, questions over the circumstances surrounding Japan's strategic security are being raised. Clearly, the structure of crisis management and legislation are crucial for a nation'ssecurity. In this article, Lt. Gen. Toshiyuki Shikata of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (retired) and professor of Law at Teikyo University, examines 30 international and domestic crises that Japan had to deal with in which the leadership of the prime minister determined the outcome. He describes the history of Japanese crisis management, pointing out the current problems and argues that in a post-Cold War era, Japan needs to confront the discrepancies in the structure of its security if it wishes to become a credible member of the international community.     

The Prime Minister and the Bomb: John Gorton,W.C. Wentworth and the Quest for an Atomic Australia

The efforts of the Liberal government led by John Gorton to acquire a locally built nuclear deterrent stretch back into the 1950s when Robert Menzies preferred to rely on the American or British nuclear umbrella for protection. Gorton took a different view and the advocates of an independent Australian nuclear capability rejoiced upon his elevation to the Liberal leadership. We argue that Gorton's ambitions advanced as far as they did in the latter 1960s due to the support, or urgings, from an informal coalition of scientists (particularly Philip Baxter) and discontented fringes of the parliamentary Liberal Party. In particular, the maverick backbencher, W.C. Wentworth, played a key role in mobilising support for Gorton's controversial quest to acquire an independent nuclear capacity.     

Yasuhiro Nakasone Proposal on Maritime Security in East Asia

Maritime security in East Asia is essential to the peace and prosperity of the world. Today, serious problems in this domain have arisen in the region. Resolving these problems is a pressing issue that impacts not just the region, but also the preservation of the peace and prosperity of the entire globe. Despite this urgent need, cooperative frameworks for preventing problems from arising in the first place—as opposed to mere security regimes for deterring conflicts—have yet to be organized. To preserve a maritime security order in East Asia that is based on laws and rules, mechanisms based on mutual trust must be arranged for deterring and preventing conflict.

Based on the foregoing, the Institute for International Policy Studies (IIPS) has been engaged in research on problems of maritime security in East Asia. In December 2015, IIPS held the High-Level Conference on Maritime Security in East Asia and unveiled the “Yasuhiro Nakasone Proposal on Maritime Security in East Asia” (the “Nakasone Proposal”). This paper will discuss the “Nakasone Proposal” and the background to its formulation, as well as the institute's future endeavors.