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Henry A. Kissinger 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):142-143
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Gerald L. Curtis 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):133-136
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Fujisaki Ichiro 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):1-5
Leaders should be judged based on whether they had foresight and whether they were able to risk their jobs to live out their convictions. Japan suffered from a lack of good leaders before WWII. Since then outstanding leaders carried out their convictions and solved postwar issues. Nakasone Yasuhiro (1918–2019) was the first postwar Prime Minister (1982–1987) who squarely placed Japan as an important member of the industrialized democracies. During his term as prime minister, he improved relations between Japan and the US as well as between Japan and other Asian countries, especially China and the Republic of Korea, thereby raising Japan’s presence around the world. Domestically he boldly implemented reforms in security, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and in solidifying power in the office of prime minister. He breathed his last but his legacy remains. 相似文献
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Nishino Junya 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):113-132
The Nakasone administration placed a high priority on relations with South Korea in diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Northeast Asia. He was the first Japanese Prime Minister to make an official visit, displaying a powerful leadership style in regard to Japan-South Korea relations that led to success in establishing a relationship of strategic cooperation between the two countries. 相似文献
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文章主要分析 2 0 0 2年 6月马来西亚首相马哈蒂尔辞职的原因及其影响。笔者认为 :1 马哈蒂尔首相辞职的主要原因是在他能掌控局势的情况下交班 ,以保证马来族和马来西亚顺利地进入后马时代 ;2 辞职选择的时机也比较合适 ,目前马来西亚的政经形势基本保证政权顺利交接 ,避免出现像邻国类似情况的社会动荡 ;3 过渡时期马来西亚的各项政策不会有太大的变化 ,过渡期满马哈蒂尔首相应照计划交班 ,除非出现足以动摇国阵政权的重大事变 ,至于后马时代的马来西亚局势如何 ,接班人阿都拉个人的能力将起很大的作用。 相似文献
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Richard Heffernan 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2005,7(4):605-620
Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive. 相似文献
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Toshiyuki Shikata 《Asia-Pacific Review》2002,9(2):79-92
In May 2001, a cabinet crisis management center was set up below the prime minister's new official residence. It is from here that Japan's national crises are now to be managed. In an era of constant flux, questions over the circumstances surrounding Japan's strategic security are being raised. Clearly, the structure of crisis management and legislation are crucial for a nation'ssecurity. In this article, Lt. Gen. Toshiyuki Shikata of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (retired) and professor of Law at Teikyo University, examines 30 international and domestic crises that Japan had to deal with in which the leadership of the prime minister determined the outcome. He describes the history of Japanese crisis management, pointing out the current problems and argues that in a post-Cold War era, Japan needs to confront the discrepancies in the structure of its security if it wishes to become a credible member of the international community. 相似文献
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