Homosexuality and the Repression of Intellectuals in Fresa y chocolate and Máscaras

Abstract The aim of this article is to examine and compare how the repression of homosexuals and intellectuals is portrayed in two recent Cuban fictional narratives: the film, Fresa y chocolate (Strawberry and Chocolate) (Gutierrez Alea et al., 1993) and the detective novel, Mascaras (Masks) (Padura Fuentes Mascaras, Tusquets, Barcelona, 1997). It discusses how these narratives document the history of both these phenomena and evaluates how they might contribute to a better understanding of the process of fundamental social and cultural transformation which the Revolution is experiencing following the collapse of the Soviet Union.     

国际货币权力的历史经验与第三世界货币区的可能性

通过对已有货币国际化历史进程的回顾与分析,本文总结了国际货币权力更迭的一般规律,并得出人民币国际化有必要夯实区域基础等基本结论。研究发现,除亚洲之外,非洲、拉美的一些国家和地区与中国在贸易投资等方面有紧密的联系,甚至存在对中国的不对称依赖。这些区域均具备推行人民币国际化的器物基础和一定的制度基础,人民币区域化的视野应当超越亚洲一隅,兼具亚洲特色和世界器局。最后,本文提出并初步论述了指向第三世界货币区的人民币区域化路线图。     

Tomás Gutiérrez Alea and the Art of Revolutionary Cinema

Tomás Gutiérrez Alea has been widely acclaimed for his cinematic production and for his role as a key figure in the elaboration of a distinctively Cuban aesthetic. Drawing on notions such as Martín-Barbero's mediations, Billig's banal nationalism, and Gutiérrez Alea's own viewer's dialectic, consideration is given here to the mutual influences of the Revolution's cultural policies on cinema, and of cinema on the Revolution. Analysis will focus on the films Memorias del subdesarrollo (1968), Hasta cierto punto (1983), Fresa y chocolate (1993) and Guantanamera (1995), which will allow for discussion of some of the director's key themes, including gender issues, the place and role of intellectuals and artists in relation to the Revolution, and the defence of a critical space in which to explore such issues.     

Argentine Nacionalismo before Perón: The Case of the Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, 1937–c. 1943

As the 1930s moved towards their close, a new generation of young men began to dominate the political wing of a generally more radical and assertive Argentine Nacionalismo, replacing the old guard that had found its inspiration in General José F. Uriburu and the regime he had led between September 1930 and February 1932. The Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, set up in September 1937, was the most important nacionalista faction of the period. It shared with other nacionalista factions the rejection of liberalism, parliamentary democracy and communism, but in contrast to the elitist and anti-popular orientation of earlier organisations, it aggressively tried to enlist popular support by portraying itself as a group genuinely concerned about the needs of the masses. The Alianza also distanced itself from the glorification of nineteenth-century Argentina, another hallmark of previous groups. Although it failed in its efforts to build up a significant following, the analysis nevertheless demonstrates that the organisation can be described as a genuinely fascist movement.     

从X到Z:西方"苏联学"的兴与衰

西方的"苏联学"是一个庞大和繁杂的体系.在西方/美国的"苏联学"、西方国际关系理论、以及美国对苏政策三者之间寻找交叉点和互动处,有助于为进一步研究冷战以后西方的俄罗斯/欧亚研究和对俄政策奠定基础.乔治·凯南和马丁·马里亚分别于1947年和1990年以"X"和"Z"为笔名发表的长文,不仅代表了战后西方苏联研究的起点和终结,也构成了学界与政策界、地区研究与国际关系理论研究之间的交叉和互动点.在前苏联问题上,学界与政策界的互动不一定合拍,有时甚至南辕北辙.43年间,美国的对苏政策一直具有极其强烈的意识形态色彩,信奉现实主义的凯南被边化,美情报界也因此对苏屡屡误判.相比之下,西方苏联学界的主流却日益学术化,多以"正常"眼光看待前苏联,其中不乏马里亚认为的"亲苏"倾向;Z文对前苏联的笔伐和近乎完美的预测,其实也是对西方和美国苏联学的大批判,尽管这一批判在一定程度上不甚公平.     

The Rise and Fall of Missile Diplomacy? President Clinton and the “Revolution in Military Affairs” in Retrospect

During the 1990s the “revolution in military affairs” (RMA), which produced “smart” weapons like cruise missiles, came of age. This apparently transformed how America viewed the relationship between force and international relations. It looked like technology was framing foreign policy. In particular, smart weapons enabled President Clinton to combine risk minimization with an expanded security agenda. However, we should be wary of ascribing technological determinism to the conflicts of the 1990s dominated by Washington's flexing of its strategic superiority, such as its bombing of Belgrade. As shown by comparison with post‐“9–11” US strategy, Washington's stance in the 1990s was shaped by linkages between technology and specific political circumstances. As these circumstances changed, so did the RMA's place in US efforts to shape world order.     

The Illusion of Equality: Machismo and Cuban Cinema of the Revolution

This article attempts to show how certain Cuban films both reflect and construct behaviour concerning male–female relations. In so doing, they illustrate how Cuban cinema provided a mainstream cultural forum for controversial and contradictory debates on gender relations. At times, films that attempt to produce images of gender equality, or at least the possibility of this, merely provide the illusion of equality while maintaining the status quo of patriarchy. That is, the images they present of male–female relations appear on the surface to represent an increasing desire to achieve absolute equality between men and women. However, close analysis of these films, using various tools of feminist and feminist film theory, reveals a continuation of certain patriarchal tendencies that the films themselves are attempting to criticise. The films to be discussed are: De cierta manera (Sara Gómez, 1974–1978), Retrato de Teresa (Pastor Vega, 1979) and Hasta cierto punto (Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, 1983).     

The Social Function of Carlos Fuentes: A Critical Intellectual or in the ‘Shadow of the State’?

This article seeks to raise meaningful questions about the role, or wider social function, of the intellectual within state–civil society relations in Latin America characterised by conditions of socio–economic modernisation. It does so by pursuing such questions through a detailed examination of the social function of Carlos Fuentes as an intellectual in Mexico. Through a focus on the social function of Carlos Fuentes, it is possible to distinguish the role intellectual activity can play in the construction and contestation of hegemony in Mexico. Most crucially, the article prompts consideration of the social basis of hegemony and the agency of intellectuals organically tied to particular social forces functioning through state–civil society relations in the struggle over hegemony. Put differently, it is possible to grant due regard to the mixture of critical opposition and accommodation that has often confronted the intellectual within Latin America.     

Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda

The concept of the ‘National Democratic Revolution’ (NDR) is often used by left-leaning scholars and political actors in attempts to explain or justify the lack of socialism in third-world societies governed by rulers who consider themselves ‘scientific socialists’. It has been invoked in analyses of Zimbabwe by both the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, in 2001 as he was embarking on his ‘quiet diplomacy’, and Wilfred Mhanda, a Zimbabwean guerrilla leader imprisoned by the Mozambican government in the late-1970s for posing problems to the leadership aspirations of Robert Mugabe, who later became president of the country posing problems for Thabo Mbeki among others. Analysis of both these political intellectuals’ writing sheds light on the concept of the NDR (evoked often in contemporary South African politics and Zimbabwean discourse about the current crisis) as well as the theoretical and practical aspects of the authors’ careers.     

Cuba’s Ministry of Interior: The FAR’s Fifth Army

Since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution, Raúl Castro and his Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) has sought to maintain at least operational control over state security, i.e., the Ministry of Interior (Minint). Between 1960 and 1989 FAR and Minint competed for resources and for the attention of the Revolution’s supreme leader, Fidel Castro. In 1989 Raúl Castro was finally able to achieve his objective of absorbing Minint’s operational missions, namely domestic security, when, after a series of crises associated with the end of the Cold War, corruption scandals in Minint, and indiscretions by the Minint leadership, Fidel acquiesced and allowed Raúl and FAR to purge Minint and take control of state security.     

From Sarmiento to Borges: The Construction of an Intellectual Lineage in the Magazine Punto de vista under the Argentine Dictatorship

This article analyses the revision of the Argentine intellectual tradition demonstrated in the magazine Punto de vista throughout its first nineteen issues, published during the last Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983). From Sarmiento and the generation of 1837 to Borges and the Sur generation, the reassessment of Argentine intellectuals' legacies set out by editors of Punto de vista was an explicit attempt to insert the magazine into a recognised intellectual lineage. At the same time, it responded to a search for identity prompted by the critical and repressive context in which the magazine was first published.     

崛起的亚洲与世界——评《新亚洲半球:权力东移势不可挡》

21世纪是亚洲崛起的世纪,然而,西方人对亚洲的崛起持反感的态度,并感到恐慌,进而退化成保护主义.在<新亚洲半球:权力东移势不可挡>一书中,纪梭·马布巴尼以亚洲人的眼光,描述了亚洲的崛起及其对世界的影响,对世界权力重心的持续东移做出了深刻的分析.作者告诫西方,接受亚洲崛起的现实,并与之携手合作,才是明智之举.同时,他也告诉我们,当西方发生变化时,新亚洲应该如何响应.本文是对<新亚洲半球:权力东移势不可挡>的评论.     

The Decline and Fall of Democracy in Venezuela: Ten Theses

This paper presents an argument about the causes of the decline and fall of the 1958–1999 system of democratic politics, commonly known in Spanish as puntofijista , in Venezuela. Competing explanations of this process are evaluated, and an interim assessment of President Hugo Chávez and his political project is offered.     

二战前中马贸易关系中的华侨因素

二战以前,马来亚的华侨不仅人口众多、经济实力雄厚,而且其经济活动遍及马来亚的生产领域和分配领域的各个方面,因而在对马来亚的社会经济发展产生重要影响的同时,也对中国与马来亚的贸易关系发展产生了巨大的影响,在沟通和增进中国与马来亚的贸易往来方面具有举足轻重的地位和不可替代的作用.