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1.
Agranoff  Robert 《Publius》1987,17(3):111-129
This article is based on a 1986 survey of state changes in publicparticipation and planning under the Social Services Block Grant(SSBG). In 1981 the Title XX program was converted to SSBG,virtually eliminating national planning and citizen participationrequirements. States have adopted a variety of means to continuecitizen involvement in the planning process and have used SSBGin combination with other state processes. Almost all stateshave exceeded the national minimum standard of "public review"in some way, suggesting that in the absence of stringent requirements,states have the willingness and capacity to move toward a partnershipin such federal programs.  相似文献   

2.
Conservatives were regularly criticized by liberals and othersfor their approach to federalism throughout the twentieth century.This trend began during the Progressive era, when the justicesof the "Lochner Court" were vilified for using national judicialpower to strike down local regulations. Several decades later,conservative opposition to New Deal programs was seen as insensitiveand elitist. Arguments for constitutional limitations on executivepower in the 1930s were attributed to the greed of businessmenand corporations. During the 1950s and 1960s, the conservativedefense of states' rights was explained by other unpleasantmotivations. Opposition to national civil rights laws was, formany, analogous to fondness for Jim Crow and other forms ofracial subjugation. Since the 1980s, conservative members ofthe Rehnquist Court have been denounced from various quartersfor their federalist perspectives. According to the Court'scritics, specious arguments about state sovereignty have beenused to rescind national rights and benefits.  相似文献   

3.
Many Asian governments have embarked on administrative reforms of one kind or another, engaging in rhetoric that resonates with the global paradigms of "new public management" and "good governance." This article seeks to understand Asian administrative reforms against the background of international influence, policy diffusion, domestic politics, institutional dynamics, and administrative traditions and legacies. It is impossible to capture the whole range of national reform types within any neat and tidy Asian paradigm, but some common strands of national reform paths in the region can still be traced. Different problems and failures are found to be addressed by Asian reforms, reflecting diverse motives and resulting in varied outcomes. The "old" public administration regime has largely coexisted with the "new" public management approaches and tools.  相似文献   

4.
Hansen  Niles 《Publius》1984,14(4):137-152
France and Mexico have long traditions of highly centralizedgovernment. Nevertheless,in each case, populations in borderregions, which are distant from the national capital, have closeinformal cultural and economic ties with neighboring populationsin adjacent nations. In France, tensions between central authoritiesand local and regional authorities over greater internationalcooperation at the local and regional levels have been especiallyevident in Alsace, France's "window" on Europe's economic heartland.Administrative decentralization measures now being implementedin France will probably enhance transborder cooperation, thoughFrance still has not formally endorsed the European OutlineConvention on Transfrontier Cooperation. The Mexican governmentmaintains its historic resistance to dependency on the UnitedStates, and emphasizes policies to integrate its border citiesmore closely with the rest of Mexico. However, Mexico, likeFrance, could give greater attention to the development of internationalagreements that respect national sovereignty as well as thewishes of border peoples for closer transborder cooperation.  相似文献   

5.
The European Court of Justice is often seen as the motor ofEuropean legal integration because it "constitutionalized "the treaties establishing the European Communities (EC) throughits jurisprudence. In reality though, the Court's role has ratherbeen that of a promotor or provocateur because the member statesand the national courts have been, by and large, cooperativepartners in this process, and many of the political consequencesof the Court's rulings have been hidden in its legal language.The Court will likely be careful in the future about continuingits judicial activism with the same vigor. Since the Treatyon European Union, many politically divisive issues are potentiallyopen to the Court's interpretation. In addition, the cooperativeattitude, by member states and the national courts, is no longerguaranteed.  相似文献   

6.
Spacepower is a critical element supporting the US national security strategy. As more nations gain access to technology, there is growing concern that space capabilities will be increasingly vulnerable to attack. However, a more insidious problem looms. For the last decade, the development and acquisition of US national security space systems have become more and more troubled with cost overruns and schedule delays. This grave situation has caught the attention of national security leadership and the US Congress. Panels of experts have proposed a litany of remedies. In this paper we explain and illustrate the importance of enhancing space power to better support national security needs and caution that many of the proposed acquisition solutions address symptoms, not the primary cause.

As history as shown…if the US offers an inviting target, it may well pay the price of attack. With the growing commercial and national security use of space, US assets in space and on the ground offer just such targets. The US is an attractive candidate for a ‘Space Pearl Harbor’. 1 Report of the Commission to Assess United States National Security Space Management and Organization, Pursuant to Public Law 106–65, January 11, 2001, available at <<http://www.defenselink.mil/pubs/space20010111.html>. This report is often referred to as the Space Commission Report.

This is the way the world ends

This is the way the world ends

This is the way the world ends

Not with a bang but a whimper. 2 T.S. Eliot, ‘The Hollow Men’, 1925.   相似文献   

7.
The application of quantitative international political and foreign policy research to real decision-making and forecasting problems has been quietly progressing over the past ten years. However, this quest for relevance has not been targeted at the highest policy-making levels; rather the applications have occurred at the middle- and low-level policy support and analysis levels. Specifically, applied analysts have profiled crisis management problem areas, developed a computer-based early warning and monitoring system, developed and applied several Bayesian forecasting techniques, and developed a computer-based crisis management decision aid which have all been used to solve specific analytical problems within the U.S. Department of Defense. Nearly all of the applied research is interdisciplinary. All is problem-oriented, and a great deal is computer-based. In all likelihood the number of applications will increase as the complexity of international and foreign affairs increases. The national security decision- and policy-making analytical process will thus become more pluralized and, because of the computer-based nature of much of the research, more accelerated and concentrated. Thusfar the impact can be said to be positive; the future will enlarge or shrink the role of applied quantitative analysis in response to how beneficial such analyses actually are to real national security problems.  相似文献   

8.
The concept of a "policy community" is useful in understanding the joint efforts of national governments and domestic business interests to secure industrial competitiveness in world markets. The definitional debate accompanying the increased use of the term in political studies, on the other hand, is of marginal value in appreciating the substance of government-industry collaboration. An analytic account of the actions of two national governments grappling with the needs of industries subject to similar circumstance, as in a sectoral crisis, provides the opportunity to apply the term in a practical manner. Policy communities are no more than the institutionalized expressions of long-established relationships between private and public interests, subject to national idiosyncracies and accumulated experience. They are not the product of a deliberate and coherent design for the attainment of specific industrial goals. This point can be illustrated by reconstructing the actions of two national policy communities in crisis, that is in situations where established relationships come under greater strain than found under "normal" circumstances and, indeed, might be expected to break down entirely. A comparison of government intervention in the automobile industries of West Germany and France, 1971–1985, demonstrates the resilience of industrial policy communities. The maintenance of established relationships is shown to be part and parcel of the emerging industrial solution. Institutions and organizations involved in crisis resolution in the French and German motor industries are revealed to have dissimilar, overarching political objectives beyond the specific and immediate needs they seek to address. The imposition of such political factors onto industrial problems is not necessarily a disservice to an industry's long-term vitality.  相似文献   

9.
Swedish bureaucracy combines some structural peculiarities founded on constitutional traits from the 17th century with a clear formal division of labor between the national and local levels from the late 19th century. These structures have mainly remained unchanged during periods of strong expansion in the first post-WWII decades and preconditions for shrinking during the 1980s and 1990s. In this article, we highlight how these changes have put stress on the bureaucracy and the public sector in general, and how demands for reform and adapting have been managed and viewed by the administrative and political camps, respectively. Social, educational, and political changes among Swedish bureaucrats and their roles are presented and analyzed. The national bureaucracy has "muddled through" and has not been subjected to radical reforms. Its working is still approved—though by no means regarded as sacred—by its administrative agents and its political principals.  相似文献   

10.
人类命运共同体的思想与总体国家安全观的内在联系,具有马克思主义在方法论与方法上的性质,符合马克思主义"总体论"方法的基本认识,具有对新时代的引领作用。习近平提出并多次强调构建"人类命运共同体"与树立"总体国家安全观",在面对世界百年未有之大变局的情势中,对中国如何处理好国际事务和保证国家安全两大方面有着很强的引领作用。构建人类命运共同体的思想,其基本构成具有科学性并厚重的底蕴,五大构成的总体性使得其内涵精炼且外延宽阔;总体国家安全观,总结和提炼了对国家安全的十一大方面,强调要予以总体把握和统筹,对于进入新时代的中国高瞻远瞩地处理好安全事务,在共同体的构建之中,依照党的十九届四中全会的精神,认清形势,把握大局,夯实自身基础等具有很强的指导意义。  相似文献   

11.
Canadian political scientist Donald C. Rowat posits the thesis that there is a "conflict of interest" in all federal capital cities between the national government and the local residents. Federal and local interests in the nation's capital have been so intertwined that it is difficult to define or separate them. Congress has used the appropriations process to intervene in local policy matters even when the federal interest is not involved.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines public policy in the European Union (EU) by drawing upon the framework of policy transfer, which has been recently refined by comparativists, and the concept of isomorphism developed within organizational theory. Three case studies—namely, the single currency, tax policy and media ownership policy—are discussed and compared with the aim of assessing the potential of isomorphism for the analysis of policy dif-fusion. The author argues that European institutions, which have a serious limitation in terms of legitimacy, stimulate policy transfer by catalyzing isomorphic processes. Policy transfer, however, is constrained when there are no national cases to be imitated. Yet European institutions, most notably the European Commission, can overcome the problem by "inseminating" solutions into national political systems.  相似文献   

13.
Cameron  David; Simeon  Richard 《Publius》2002,32(2):49-72
"Executive federalism" or "federal-provincial diplomacy" haslong been considered the defining characteristic of Canadianfederalism, which combines federalism and Westminster-stylecabinet government. However, these processes have come underincreasing stress in recent years from a number of forces thathave affected the nature and conduct of federalism and intergovernmentalrelations in Canada. Executive federalism has not been displaced,but has been increasingly informed by a set of practices thatwe call "collaborative federalism," characterized more by theprinciple of co-determination of broad national policies ratherthan by the more traditional pattern of federal-leadership.  相似文献   

14.
The federal election of 1984 may prove to be a critical eventin the evolution of Canadian federalism. The election createda political climate favorable to a restructuring of the Canadianpolitical agenda away from the "territorial politics" that hasdominated it for several decades, toward a politics of national,non territorial issues. Such a transformation of the politicalagenda had been sought by the Liberal government of Pierre Trudeau,which saw the new Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms as amechanism for promoting a more national politics. The climateof intergovernmental confrontation that characterized the Trudeauera, however, may very well have undermined the Charter's nationalunity potential. Ironically, that potential is more likely tobe realized under the Mulroney Conservatives than it would havebeen under a continuation of the Trudeau regime.  相似文献   

15.
领会党的十九届四中全会精神,坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,必须把党的执政与治国两种能力建设相贯通。从提出加强党的执政能力建设到提出推进国家治理现代化,显示了党的建设发展思路的战略演进。党的十九届四中全会通过的《决定》,对国家治理各个领域各个方面的制度建设作出全面部署,既体现党的建设与国家治理制度建设的关系,又体现增强党的执政能力与提高国家治理现代化能力的关系。在中国特色社会主义制度安排下,中国共产党长期执政与全面领导是连在一起的,执政与治国两种能力具有不可分离的理论和实践逻辑。执政与治国两种能力既有区别又相联系,两种能力建设相贯通有其内在的机理。新中国成立以来,党领导人民创造的经济快速发展和社会长期稳定两大奇迹,展示了“中国之治”在人类历史上世所罕见的国家成就。党的十九届四中全会以坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的全面部署,为党领导人民再创“中国之治”新辉煌提供了实践指南。  相似文献   

16.
Public affairs in the third millennium will develop in three significant ways.
  • (1) It will deal increasingly with global issues and authorities. ‘The chief executive needs to be an entrepreneur with global vision. He needs political skills, to steer a course through the regulatory maze.’
  • (2) The companies that succeed may be global, but many of the regimes of regulation and control will remain national. The ability to deal with them will be essential.
  • (3) Public affairs will have to deal effectively not only with national and international regimes but also with organised ‘civil society’. NGOs have now formed global alliances. They are recognised and consulted formally and informally and have begun to ‘show their teeth’.
These developments create strong and specific challenges for corporate communications. ‘Sovereignty is what you belong to.’ The European Union (EU) has developed as a model for global public affairs. Companies that have learnt to combine national with supranational public affairs in the EU will be well equipped in the fora of WTO, OECD, ILO and others yet to come. The communications challenges are two:
  • (1) Support for mergers: As globalisation proceeds by merger, companies will need fluency in communicating the benefits of mergers, both internally and externally.
  • (2) Trading identities: As countries go for national brands to achieve tourism and investment, mega‐merged global companies are using nation‐building techniques to achieve internal cohesion across cultures.
Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   

17.
State governments have historically dominated corrections policy, with little federal intervention. But over the past two decades, the trend has been toward "nationalizing" corrections policy, with less interstate variation and more federal standards, through the Safe Streets Act and other legislation. As federal funding declines, it may be expected that there will be a hiatus in state corrections reform, though national standards may survive if the federal courts continue to require state correctional systems to comply with federal laws previously implemented.  相似文献   

18.
  • Business associations play a significant role in private–public interactions by aggregating company interests and relating these to political decision makers. Associations are particularly important for smaller firms, which generally do not have the resources to pursue political strategies independently. This paper discusses the question of what the motives are for small and medium‐sized firms to maintain their membership in national trade associations at a time when the European business environment is undergoing profound changes. Using the example of the Netherlands, it is argued that associational membership is determined foremost by political considerations. The implication of this conclusion is that national business associations continue to perform an important function in mediating business–government relations. Despite the internationalization of public decision making, these organizations remain important intermediaries for corporate public affairs.
  • 1 We would like to thank two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions.
Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

19.
While national service enjoys broad support across the political spectrum, the actual goals of programs such as AmeriCorps remain somewhat amorphous. Based on a set of interviews with both experienced. practitioners and key thought leaders in the field, four competing visions of national service are detailed. The article suggests that national service has alternatively been seen as a way to promote an active and engaged citizenship, accelerate the personal growth of the young people in the programs, build social capital in communities, and meet critical social needs through public work. These four competing visions can and do coexist in practice, which helps to explain the widespread and enduring popularity of the idea of national service in America.
Peter FrumkinEmail:
  相似文献   

20.
Alberta M. Sbragia 《管理》2002,15(3):393-412
Debates about institution–building within the European Union focus on how national power and transnational representation and accountability should be organized institutionally within the context of regionalism. An "institutional balance" allows the EU to benefit from administrative capacity and the representation of both national executives and national electorates while not being transformed into either a transnational political system or a traditional federation. The Treaty of Nice laid the groundwork for enlargement by re–examining issues of representation that had previously been accepted as givens. In so doing, the member states made clear that the evolution of the EU was going to be subject to uncertainty and institutional fluidity.  相似文献   

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