“赶考”永远在路上

正众所周知,1949年3月23日,在中共中央离开河北西柏坡奔赴北平(北京)之时,毛泽东提出了著名的“进京赶考”的话题。他对周恩来说:“今天是进京的日子,进京赶考去!”周恩来笑着说:“我们应当都能考试及格,不能退回来。”毛泽东说:“退回来就失败了,我们绝不当李自成,我们都希望考个好     

中国共产党的百年“赶考”路及基本经验

中国共产党的百年奋斗史就是一部接力“赶考”史。建党以来,中国共产党在领导中国“革命”“建设”“改革”“复兴”的具体实践中,取得了新民主主义革命伟大成就、社会主义革命和建设伟大成就、改革开放和现代化建设伟大成就和新时代中国特色社会主义伟大成就,如期完成了“救国”“兴国”“富国”“强国”的“赶考”任务。中国共产党已有百年光辉历史,梳理党的百年“赶考”路的历史进程,总结和归纳党百年“赶考”的基本经验,可以在新的赶考之路上赢得更多更大的胜利和荣光。     

始终保持“赶考”的清醒

如何把握重要战略机遇期,克服新时期的各种风险挑战,跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率,引领和保障中国特色社会主义巍巍巨轮行稳致远?把党建设得更加坚强有力。这是上一程“赶考”试卷的答案,更是我们成功作答新时代考卷的“核心密码”把人民对美好生活的向往作为奋斗目标,不断回答好“我是谁、为了谁、依靠谁”,与群众有福同享、有难同当,有盐同成、无盐同淡。     

努力“补课”继续“赶考”

奥运会之后,面对世界经济衰退和许多发达国家可能出现负增长的态势,人们普遍担忧奥运之年的中国经济表现。事实表明,困难不仅在于南方冰雪灾害、汶川大地震等破坏力巨大的自然灾害的连续发生,而且在于经济内部的一些深层次矛盾     

从毛泽东的“赶考”精神看我们党的执政忧患意识

自从建国初期毛泽东把共产党执政形象地比喻为"进京赶考"以来,赶考精神一直成为我们党的重要执政理念,充分表明了我们党的执政忧患意识,成为我们党奋发向上的精神动力。     

“赶考”:中国共产党人永恒的执政课题

1949年3月中共中央从西柏坡移驻北京,毛泽东喻此为进京赶考,提出我们决不做李自成,要求党员干部牢记两个务必,交上满意答卷。执政60多年、改革开放30多年来,一代又一代中国共产党人始终保持赶考情结,坚持两个务必,居安思危,奋斗拼搏,取得光辉成就。面向未来,我们仍然需要牢记两个务必,在新的执政考验面前争取考试合格。     

毛泽东的“赶考”精神及其当代价值

毛泽东的“赶考”精神是在即将夺取全国革命胜利的重大历史转折关头形成的,凝结了毛泽东对各种风险挑战的忧患思考和清醒认知。毛泽东的“赶考”精神彰显了中国共产党人与时俱进的先进品格、人民至上的价值立场以及勇于担当的历史自觉。在新时代继承和发扬毛泽东的“赶考”精神,要永葆自我革命的政治品格,在社会主义现代化建设中不忘人民“考官”地位,以永不懈怠的“赶考”精神破解“两个大局”的时代考题。     

习近平关于新时代赶考重要论述探析

习近平关于新时代赶考重要论述,立足实现民族复兴和世界百年未有之大变局互相激荡的大时代背景。习近平关于新时代赶考的重要论述,科学回答了什么是新时代赶考、怎样应对新时代赶考等根本问题,包含新时代赶考的主要内涵、主要步骤等,指出全党应以什么样的状态理解、把握这次考试。面对如何深刻理解新时代赶考,习近平总书记强调实现民族复兴的长期性和艰巨性;指出考试仍然在路上;把握新时代赶考主要内涵等;面对怎样拿出优异的答卷,习近平指出坚持党的坚强领导;体现鲜明的人民立场;坚定赶考必胜信念;明确总纲领和总方向;突出主要抓手等。     

China's Recovery: Why the Writing Was Always on the Wall

China has been a major power for far longer than is typically acknowledged in the West. This paper seeks to redress established discourse of China as a 'rising' power which now enjoys common usage within Western policy-making, academic and popular circles, particularly within the United States; China can more accurately be conceived of as a 'recovering power'. A tendency by successive Washington administrations to view the world in realist terms has forced the label of 'rising' power onto China along with the negative connotations that inevitably follow. We should acknowledge the folly in utilising a theoretical approach largely devoid of any appreciation for the social and human dimensions of international relations as well as the importance of social discourse in the field. Finally, policy-makers in Washington must reconsider their realist stance and, with a fuller appreciation of world history, recognise that American hegemony was always destined to be short-lived.     

始终坚持一切为了群众一切依靠群众

群众路线是中国共产党的生命线。中国共产党百年历史,是一部践行党的群众路线的历史,更是一部“全心全意为人民服务”的历史。在中国共产党百年波澜壮阔的伟大实践中,我们党始终坚持一切为了群众,一切依靠群众,从群众中来,到群众中去。一切为了群众是中国共产党全部理论和实践的出发点与落脚点。群众路线是我们必须始终坚持的根本领导路线和工作路线。坚持群众路线的根本点在于忠诚践行党的根本宗旨。进入新时代,以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚持把“人民至上”理念融入治国理政的实践中,丰富和发展了党的群众路线。     

要始终坚持和代表中国先进文化的前进方向

将党的前途命运与文化联系起来,这是大有新意和深意的,这标志着党的执政思想的成熟、文化使命感和文化自觉意识的增强,对于我们党的建设具有重大的现实意义和长远的历史意义.     

商於古道的开辟述论

商於古道是中国古代长安经蓝田、商州通向南阳、邓州、荆襄以至江南和岭南的交通要道。它因拥有沿河溪成路的优越地理条件,在上古人们自然踩踏的基础上,春秋战国时期出于军事需要,秦楚两国在该条道路上修建城池、关隘,使其成为一条军事、商业要道。     

Why Federalism Does Not Always Take Shape: the Cases of Italy and Nepal

Federalism has been discussed as a potential system of governance in many countries, but in some it has failed to take shape. This has been the case in Nepal and, to a certain extent, in Italy. In fact, in Italy the federal option was rejected at the time of Risorgimento, and constitutional reforms in the 2000s never transformed the country into a federation as desired by political actors such as the Northern League despite some decentralization. In Nepal, the 2007 interim constitution specified that the country would be federal, but the first Constituent Assembly elected to write a new constitution was unable to produce a federal map acceptable to the major political parties and the second is wrestling with the same issue. In both cases, federal structuring was attacked by political actors who argued that it could promote disunity, undermine solidarity, and possibly lead to disintegration. This article argues that the idea of federalism held by prominent political actors as promoting division and conflict played strongly against its implementation.     

Preparing to Be President on Day One

Nearly 50 years ago, John F. Kennedy asked Clark Clifford to handle his transition planning; the day after the election, Clifford handed Kennedy a single memorandum. Transition for today's president-elect is much more complex. Managing the shift from campaigning to governing is the president-elect's greatest challenge and biggest opportunity. According to Martha Joynt Kumar in her foregoing essay, the newly elected would do well to learn from the successes and failures of their predecessors. In short, the risks rooted in the inexperience and hubris of new presidents may be mitigated or avoided by knowledge gained from analysis of transition precedents. In this essay, the author provides a practitioner's checklist of dos and don'ts drawn from his experience as a manager and advisor in presidential transitions.