The 1968 Movement Revisited: Education and the Distinction in Values,Political Interest and Political Participation in West Germany

The aim of this paper is to take a look at the 1968 generation in West Germany about 40 years after the 1968 events. Whether there was a 1968 generation in the narrow sense of the word will be explored. While comparing the 1968 generation with earlier and later cohorts, political interest, political activity and (postmaterialist) values will be analysed. Education will be theorised as a main mechanism that distinguishes the 1968 generation from earlier generations. Quantitative analyses will be performed employing a temporal perspective and including age, period and cohort effects – so that socialisation as well as individual change over the life cycle and macro influences can be taken into account. The results show a strong influence of education on political interest, political activity and postmaterialism. Therefore, what is called the ‘1968 generation’ only applies to the more highly educated people of this generation.     

The Iraqi Coups of July 1968 and the American Connection

After the June 1967 war, Iraqi President ’Abd al-Rahman ’Arif and Prime Minister Tahir Yahya broke diplomatic relations with Washington and began signing strategic economic agreements for oil development with France and the Soviet Union. On 17 July 1968 their regime was toppled by a coup initiated by members of the Ba?th Party and a group of military officers. Just 13 days later in another coup initiated by the Ba?th, the officer leadership was deposed. This article examines Washington's reaction to the two coups and the indications of the western orientation of the short-lived regime that ended on 30 July. It also reveals findings that support the claim of American involvement in the overthrow of ’Arif.     

Poverty Among Small Farmers Under Frei and Pinochet, 1968–1986

Abstract — This paper draws on the results of a nation-wide panel study of small farm households interviewed in 1968 and 1986 to complement accounts of Chile's economic performance under the governments of President Frei (1964–1970) and General Pinochet (1973–1989). It is shown that in contrast to macroeconomic trends of increased inequality and impoverishment after 1973, the incidence of poverty in the sample declined slightly but significantly over the period. The result is robust both to the choice of poverty index and poverty line. It is all the more striking because the sample represented the poorest group in Chile during the 1960s. Nevertheless, the incidence of poverty in the sample remained extremely high. In 1967–1968, more than three-quarters of households could not meet their basic needs, while in 1985–1986 this proportion reached nearly two thirds. The fall in poverty may be attributed to a combination of increased coverage of the rural areas by targeted welfare programmes and the effects of the life cycle in increasing the proportion of panel household members eligible for, and dependent on public transfers between 1968 and 1986.     

The NPT,the CTBT and Pakistan: Explaining the Non-adherence Posture of a De Facto Nuclear State

Abstract

Pakistan represents a case of non-compliance to the two most important treaties on non-proliferation—The Non-Proliferation Treaty and The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. This article surveys the changing contour of Pakistan's policy approach towards the NPT and the CTBT, and explains the underlying motivations and implications of the Pakistani postures. It analyses why Pakistan, despite supporting the final drafts, ultimately refused to sign the NPT in 1968 and the CTBT in 1996, and why it subsequently resisted strong international pressure maintained a non-adherence posture and towards these two documents. Finally, this article draws some general lessons from the Pakistani case.     

约翰逊政府与美国的越南战争困境(1967-1968)

1964年约翰逊政府通过制造"东京湾事件",把肯尼迪的"特殊战争"升级为以大规模轰炸北越为特点的"有限战争".战争的结果引发了美国国内一系列的政治、经济和社会危机,美国自身的国力也受到极大的削弱,最后民主党人和整个国家都为越南战争付出了沉重的代价.本文拟探讨约翰逊政府在执政的最后两年如何试图摆脱越南战争的困境,并分析其不能根本解决问题的主要原因.     

Laos: the forgotten war

Abstract

In June 1968, Jacques Decornoy, reporting for Le Monde, was permitted entry into the Pathet Lao zones of eastern Laos. Decornoy's account of his experiences there, although already two years old, remains a classic statement on the horrors of the “forgotten war,” and one of the most insightful presentations of the political program of the Pathet Lao. With Mr. Decornoy's permission, we are reprinting his articles which appeared in Le Monde on July 3 through 7-8, 1968.—C.F.     

The Political Side of Consociationalism Reconsidered: Switzerland between a Polarized Parliament and Delicate Government Collegiality

This paper builds upon the concept of “coalescent elite behaviour” which is crucial in consociational theory, but contested regarding its actual conceptualization. Contrary to Lijphart's (1968) original assumption that elites are generally committed to an “overarching cooperation”, we hypothesize that institutional venues must be taken in account. Thus, the aim of this paper is twofold: Conceptually, we try to clarify the nature of “amicable agreement” regarding two core institutions (i.e. parliament, government), and regarding executive‐legislative relations. Empirically, we follow a two‐step empirical approach that combines a cross‐time comparison of the decision‐making process regarding the revision of the Swiss basic pension scheme (AHV) with a cross‐case assessment following Fischer's two‐dimensional typology. More generally, our findings serve to inductively refine the “political side” of consociationalism.     

The Echo of Tlatelolco in Contemporary Mexican Protest Poetry

The shooting of a student demonstration in La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in the Tlatelolco district of Mexico City on 2 October 1968 has been the subject of many literary works, among which the Tlatelolco poetry addresses not only the event itself but also the aftermath of the massacre. Both approaches examine the relationship between the 'yo'/'nosotros' and 'ellos' constructs, focusing on the 'nosotros' construct as the result of this interaction. The following analysis of this process is based on the theory of self and Other, especially René Girard's theory of the mimetics of violence and the process of scapegoating as a basis for the relationship between the individual and society within the context of a violent conflict.     

Muhammad Reza Pahlavi and the Bahrain Question, 1968–1970

This paper examines the role of Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the late Shah of Iran, in the secret Anglo-Iranian negotiations over Bahrain from January 1968 to March 1970. Despite a clear strategic imperative for abandoning Iran's claim to Bahrain in the wake of the British withdrawal from the Persian Gulf, the Shah feared that such an act would be seen by the Iranian public as collusion with the British to surrender Iranian territory, thereby further eroding the Pahlavi monarchy's precarious legitimacy. Drawing on British official papers and Iranian oral histories and memoirs, this paper explores for the first time the story of these secret negotiations and the extent to which the Shah's diplomacy was constrained by domestic considerations.     

Anti‐Communism,Communism, and Anti‐Interventionism in Narratives Surrounding the Student Massacre on Tlatelolco Square (Mexico, 1968)

Shortly before the Mexico Olympics, on 2 October 1968, student demonstrators were shot by the military on Tlatelolco Square in Mexico City, thus ending the local student movement and its mass protests. This paper explores the government's use of anti‐communism to ideologically justify this massacre in the context of the Cold War. The student movement was presented as a foreign, communist intervention that threatened Mexico's sovereignty. The paper analyses the weaknesses and contradictions of this official narrative by contrasting public and confidential reports. Finally, the marginal role of communism in the movement and its internal divisions are also outlined.     

The development of chemical science in Estonia from 1945 to the present

Summary

This study shows that the Baltic peoples acted with much patience in achieving independence and free and democratic states. Their road to independence and international recognition was paved by perestroika and glasnost. Without these developments in the Soviet Union, the attempts to break away would have been crushed as happened in Hungary in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968. Later on Gorbachev became a major obstacle to the Baltic cause. The Balts had to pursue their goals in spite of resistance from the Soviet leadership.

After independence and international recognition, Estonia and Latvia began to play an active role within the framework of the CSCE. Although the current situation in the very northeastern part of Europe seems to be quiet, one has to reckon with new cleavages and confrontations between the Baltic States and particularly Russia, due to several unresolved problems such as minority policy and Russian military power. The rise of ultranationalist forces in Russia, such as Zhirinovsky's Liberal Democrats, may add to the tense atmosphere in the Baltic region. Further tension could complicate the position of the CSCE regarding the countries concerned. Since the CSCE failed to restore peace and stability in the former Yugoslavia, it might fail in such an explosive area as the Baltic as well. Nevertheless, the CSCE facilitates a forum for peaceful settlement of disputes and therefore provides the chance to use diplomatic measures to prevent the outbreak of a military conflict.     

Czechoslovakia and its Position within the Solidarity Network of Chilean Communism: A Reflection on the Coup and Resistance against Pinochet from a Country with Worn-out Revolutionary Ideals

The article will analyse the development of the Chilean cause in the politics of Eastern Europe countries since 1973, focusing on the Czechoslovak case. On the one hand, it will prove that during the communist government Czechoslovakia played an important role in the international campaign for the resistance against the dictatorship at a worldwide level. On the other hand, it posits that the propaganda aimed at Czechoslovakia, which sought to kindle society's belief in the revolutionary ideals strongly affected after the Soviet invasion in 1968, turned out to be much less effective.     

My Central Asian expedition of 1925–28

Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864–1914. A Study in Imperialism. By Firuz Kazemzadeh. New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1968. Pp. ix + 711. Map. Bibliog. Index. $15.00. 135s.     

Der Transfer zwischen den Studentenbewegungen von 1968 und die Entstehung einer transnationalen Gegen?ffentlichkeit

Analysiert werden die Ver?nderungen des Kommunikationsraumes, der Diskursformen und Partizipationschancen, welche die Studentenbewegungen von 1968 herbeigeführt haben. Ausgehend vom Internationalen Vietnam-Kongress, der in Berlin am 17. und 18. Februar 1968 stattgefunden hat, wird der Transfer von Ideen und Aktionsformen zwischen den Bewegungen vor und nach dem Kongress skizziert und die Handlungsdynamik „kollektiver Sinnstrukturen“ akzentuiert, die nicht an die „direct relational“ oder „non-relational channels“ der Kommunikation zwischen Bewegungen geknüpft sind. Geprüft wird, ob und wie eine transnationale „Gegen?ffentlichkeit“ unter den Bedingungen der „Medien?ffentlichkeit“ entstehen und wirksam werden konnte.     

Reflections on the implications of the Vietnam Caucus

Abstract

It is revealing that a Vietnam Caucus held in March 1968 should end its meeting by beginning an evaluation of the professional “conscience” of Asian scholars. That it took this war to raise the latent problems in the profession is itself a depressing commentary on the state of the field. But the desire on the part of some individuals to create a nationwide inter-university student-faculty Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars to pose and then seek to resolve these problems fulfills one of the organizers' hopes.     

Recent Soviet books on Turkey

Edited by A. X. Rafikov, it is named Istoricheskaya literature na turetskom yazike xranyashchayasya v bibliotekax Leningrada {Historical literature in Turkish, preserved in the Leningrad libraries), Leningrad, Soviet Academy of Sciences: 1968; 267 pp.

Sh. V. Megrelidze's Voprosi Zakavkazya v istorii Russo‐Turetskoy voyni 1877–1878 {The problems of Transcaucasia in the Russo‐Turkish war of 1877–1878), Tiflis, Gruzinian Academy of Sciences, Metsniyeryeba Press: 1969; 144 pp.

Noveyshaya istoriya Turtsii {The recent history of Turkey), Moscow, Nauka Press: 1968; 396 pp.

U. N. Rozaliyev's Klassi I klassovaya borba v Turtsii: burzhuaziya i proletariyat (Classes and the class‐struggle in Turkey: bourgeoisie and proletariat), Moscow, Nauka: 1966; 168 pp.

R. P. Korniyenko's Rabocheye dvizheniye v Turtsii 1918–1963 {The workers’ movement in Turkey, 1918–1963), Moscow, Nauka Press: 1965; 176 pp.

V. I. Danilov's Sredniye sloi v politicheskoy zhizni sovremennoy Turtsii {The middle classes in the political life of contemporary Turkey), Moscow, Nauka: 1968; 152 pp.     

Tomás Gutiérrez Alea and the Art of Revolutionary Cinema

Tomás Gutiérrez Alea has been widely acclaimed for his cinematic production and for his role as a key figure in the elaboration of a distinctively Cuban aesthetic. Drawing on notions such as Martín-Barbero's mediations, Billig's banal nationalism, and Gutiérrez Alea's own viewer's dialectic, consideration is given here to the mutual influences of the Revolution's cultural policies on cinema, and of cinema on the Revolution. Analysis will focus on the films Memorias del subdesarrollo (1968), Hasta cierto punto (1983), Fresa y chocolate (1993) and Guantanamera (1995), which will allow for discussion of some of the director's key themes, including gender issues, the place and role of intellectuals and artists in relation to the Revolution, and the defence of a critical space in which to explore such issues.     

Equal partners? The Information Research Department,SAVAK and the dissemination of anti-communist propaganda in Iran, 1956–68

This article examines how the Foreign Office’s Information Research Department (I.R.D.) worked with SAVAK, the Iranian intelligence service, between 1956 and 1968. It explores how a mutual fear of the Soviet Union compelled both departments to work together to produce and disseminate anti-communist propaganda. As well as the publication of books, prominent Iranian journalists would be given stories that praised the Shah’s regime and discredited the Soviet Union. SAVAK figures were also invited to Britain by the I.R.D. to attend training sessions on producing propaganda. The ties between both agencies, however, meant SAVAK was able to persuade the I.R.D. to assist in the conception of anti-Arab Nationalist propaganda, something that contravened wider British foreign policy. Moreover, such an agency-led approach was rendered short-lived. By 1968, many of the SAVAK figures friendly to the I.R.D. were promoted and replaced by individuals less keen on working with the British.     

The reflection of a political conflict in mapping: The case of Israel's borders and frontiers

Studii de istorie (Studies of History), Bucharest, published by the Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, 1968; 171 pp.

The Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, vol. 27, no. 6, November‐December 1976,

La pensée philosophique et sociale dans l'empire ottoman aux XIVe‐XVe siècles’ (vol. 6, nos. 1–2, 1968, pp. 76–102).

Bucharest at the Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, 1974; 215 pp.,

N. p. (Bucharest ?), Youth Publications’ Press, 1965; 240 pp.

C. Giurescu's Amintiri (Memoirs), of which the first volume appeared in Bucharest, Sport and Tourism Press, 1976; 340 pp. Giurescu, who died in 1977,

Ghid de conversatie romdn‐turc (Romanian‐Turkish Conversation Handbook), Bucharest, Scientific Press, 1974; 245 pp

A. Baubec and F. Ismail's Mic dicfionar turc‐romdn (A Small Turkish‐Romanian Dictionary), announced for publication by Bucharest's Sport and Tourism Press for 1978; 300 pp.

Antologie de texte din literatura araba moderna (An Anthology of Texts From Modern Arabic Literature), The University of Bucharest, 1972; 687 pp.,

Antologie de texte din literatura araba clasica (An Anthology of Texts From Classical Arabic Literature), The University of Bucharest, 1974; 336 pp.

Curs de sintaxa a limbei arabe moderne (A Syntax Course For Modern Arabic), The University of Bucharest, 1973; 326 pp.

Nicolae Dobri?an's Curs de fonetica si morfologia limbei arabe literare contemporane (A Course For the Phonetics and Morphology of Contemporary Literary Arabic), The University of Bucharest, 1975; 608 pp.

Daniel's Orientalia Mirabilia, vol. I, Bucharest, Scientific and Encyclopaedic Press, 1976; 292 pp.

Relatiile romdno‐egiptene in epoca moderna si contemporana (Romanian‐Egyptian Relations in the Modern and Contemporary Era), Bucharest, Scientific Press, 1974; 304 pp.

Nicolae lorga — A Romanian Historian of the Ottoman Empire, Bucharest, The Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania ('Bibliotheca Historica Romaniae’ series), 1972; 191

Istoria lui Mihai Voda Viteazul Domnul Tarii Române?ti (The History of the Voievod Michael the Brave, the Domn [= Ruler] of Walachia) was reissued, with minor changes, in Bucharest, Facia Press, 1976; 567 pp.

Mouvements nationaux et sociaux roumains au XIXe siècle, Bucharest, The Academy of the Socialist Republic of omania ('Bibliotheca Historica Romaniae’ series), 1971; 335 pp.

Paleografia ?i diplomatica turco‐osmana.‐ studiu ?i album (Ottoman‐ Turkish Paleography and Diplomacy: A Study and an Album), The Academy of the Romanian People's Republic, 1958, 359 pp.

Catalogul documentelor turce?ti (The Catalogue of Turkish Documents), vol. I, Bucharest, The General Directorate of the State Archives of the Romanian People's Republic, 1960; 683 pp.+ 40 pp.

Documente turcesti privind istoria Romdniei, vol. I: 1455—1774 (Turkish Documents Regarding the History of Romania, vol. I: 1455–1774).

Istoria Turcilor (The History of the Turks), Bucharest, Scientific and Encyclopaedic Press, 1976; 448 pp.