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1.
This article examines how arts and culture policy has been discussed since the 1960s in New Zealand, showing how it has increasingly been coupled with the construction of national identity. It also suggests that the rhetoric of the current Labour government marks a significant change. Against the traditional understanding of arts and culture as public and cultural goods, whose vital ‐ if intangible ‐ benefits justify the inevitable economic cost, since 1999 they have been fundamentally re‐imagined as contributing to a cohesive society ‐ through the fostering of “national identity” ‐ and also to a dynamic economy ‐ through the creation of jobs. This change is seen as an element of “third‐way” politics, and is argued to limit dangerously the sort of art that can be funded and valued.  相似文献   

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The construction of public problems has a lasting influence on implementation in a given policy subsystem. National and sociopolitical contexts influence issue definition differently across nations. However, the degree to which nation-specific issue definition takes place has been insufficiently explored. In recent years, the growing incidence of autism has led to a quest for causal factors. One hypothesis posits that the use of mercury in vaccines may be a culprit. This paper examines the definition of the mercury and autism issue in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Insights into the comparative elements of issue definition are suggested by the case. These insights are of particular importance to administrators, as agencies are deeply involved as objects and actors in the process of issue definition and are often responsible for implementing new and redefined policies.  相似文献   

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Environmental policy in the United States has always been characterized by high levels of political conflict. At the same time, however, policy makers have shown a capacity to learn from their own and others' experience. This article examines U.S. environmental policy since 1970 as a learning process and, more specifically, as an effort to develop three kinds of capacities for policy learning. The first decade and a half may be seen in terms of technical learning, characterized by a high degree of technical and legal proficiency, but also narrow problem definitions, institutional fragmentation, and adversarial relations among actors. In the 1980s, growing recognition of deficiencies in technical learning led to a search for new goals, strategies, and policy instruments, in what may be termed conceptual learning . By the early 1990s, policy makers also recognized a need for a new set of capacities at social learning, reflecting trends in European environmental policy, international interest in the concept of sustainability, and dissatisfaction with the U.S. experience. Social learning stresses communication and interaction among actors. Most industrial nations, including the United States, are working to develop and integrate capacities for all three kinds of learning. Efforts to integrate capacities for conceptual and social learning in the United States have had mixed success, however, because the institutional and legal framework for environmental policy still is founded on technical learning.  相似文献   

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Rom  Mark 《Publius》1993,23(3):135-154
In 1991, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) announced thata health-care worker (HCW) had apparently transmitted the virusthat causes the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) topatients while providing them routine medical treatment. Thisarticle examines the policy choices made based on this case.It begins by reviewing the federal system for making these policies.The conflicting public and professional policy recommendationsare then summarized. Next, a framework for policy choice ina federal system is outlined and federal and state choices aredescribed. The final section suggests some implications of thesechoices for American federalism.  相似文献   

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We put forward a new approach to studying issue definition within the context of policy diffusion. Most studies of policy diffusion—which is the process by which policymaking in one government affects policymaking in other governments—have focused on policy adoptions. We shift the focus to an important but neglected aspect of this process: the issue‐definition stage. We use topic models to estimate how policies are framed during this stage and how these frames are predicted by prior policy adoptions. Focusing on smoking restriction in U.S. states, our analysis draws upon an original data set of over 52,000 paragraphs from newspapers covering 49 states between 1996 and 2013. We find that frames regarding the policy's concrete implications are predicted by prior adoptions in other states, whereas frames regarding its normative justifications are not. Our approach and findings open the way for a new perspective to studying policy diffusion in many different areas.  相似文献   

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PAUL PIERSON 《管理》1995,8(4):449-478
Despite political scientists' growing appreciation of the ways in which institutions influence political processes, the “new institutionalism” has so far had a limited impact on the comparative study of welfare state development. This article discusses some broad issues concerning institutions and public policy by exploring the implications of one set of institutions — those associated with federalism — for the politics of social policy. Federal institutions encourage three distinctive dynamics: they influence the policy preferences, strategies, and influence of social actors; they create important new institutional actors (the constituent units of the federation); and they generate predictable policymaking dilemmas associated with shared decision-making. Comparisons between social policy development in Canada and the United States are used to demonstrate that while federalism clearly matters, how it matters will depend on the characteristics of a particular federal system and the ways in which federal institutions interact with other important variables.  相似文献   

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This article investigates how "policy frames" have shaped the way European Community actors perceive the policy linkage between market integration and environmental policy. The article contends that there are three Community policy frames: conditional, classic, and sustainability. They form alternative "packages" of policy ideas defining the relationship between economic and environmental policy. The article provides an analysis of how actors embed these frames in the Community's institutional framework.To illustrate the general impact of policy frames on the environmental arena, the article explores two cases: waste management policy, and the integration of environmental concerns into the Community's agricultural policy. The article concludes by highlighting the different factors that promote and undermine the formation of "thick" institutional structures likely to integrate environmental and economic policy objectives.  相似文献   

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Rounds  Taryn A. 《Publius》1992,22(4):91-120
This article contrasts divergent attitudes toward tax competitionand tax harmonization in Australia, Canada, and the United States.Despite strong arguments on each side, competition and harmonizationare not necessarily conflicting goals except at the extremes.The most troublesome issue is the tradeoff between promotingefficiency in the public sector and in the private sector. Dueto the difficulty of measuring and comparing efficiency in bothsectors, this issue is not likely to be resolved objectively.However, tax-base harmonization appears to be the best compromisein pursuing both goals. Some fundamental problems remain regardlessof the policy direction taken, including limiting "micro-level"competition and addressing environmental and redistributiveconcerns in regional and local arenas. Improved intergovernmentalcooperation and experimentation are viewed as the key to resolvingthese issues.  相似文献   

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Titus  A. Costandina 《Publius》1990,20(1):123-136
One of the most significant intergovernmental issues today isthe disposal of high-level nuclear waste. Although there isconsiderable scholarly work on the subject, the emphasis hasbeen limited primarily to federal-state relations. Few observershave looked at the intrastate implications of the 1982 NuclearWaste Policy Act. This article attempts to do just that by focusingon the extreme action taken by the Nevada legislature in 1987when it created Bullfrog County, a zero-population county surroundingthe proposed waste repository site. The county was endowed withthe maximum property tax rate allowed under Nevada's Constitutionso as to enable the state to obtain additional funds from thefederal government in exchange for hosting the unpopular "dump."However, what began as a simple maneuver designed to extractthe maximum benefit for the state quickly produced politicaland legal consequences far beyond the intentions of the county'soriginal proponents.  相似文献   

14.
This paper compares radical agricultural policy reforms in Sweden and New Zealand in the 1980s and 1990s to establish which factors bring about such types of policy reforms. Ruling out a number of alternative explanations for reform found in the public policy and political economy literature, we focus on the role of reform strategies. We show that the redefinition of agricultural policy – from a matter of finding the balance between budgetary costs and farmers' income to considering agricultural policy as part of macroeconomic policies – was important, particularly in Sweden. Change of policy venue is the other reform strategy identified, which was crucial to the successful introduction of the reform. In both countries, ministers of finance deliberately shifted agricultural policymaking to arenas in which they were able to control the reform process.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the politics of federal initiatives in technology during the period 1980–1988 that promote economic competitiveness. It finds that the ideological consistency of these new initiatives with the prevailing political climate, and the presence of business constituencies for technology are key to the adoption of new technology initiatives. In the absence of a strong business interest, agency politics and efforts dealing with the budget deficit dominate. Progress by new technology policy initiativesfbunders m is incremental at best. This paper also discusses the trend toward "industry-led" technology policy.  相似文献   

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This article questions the specific challenges that the management of culture poses for government.2 Unlike some ‘public good’ policy domains, such as prisons, defence or infrastructure, or benefit provisions such as unemployment, disability or health measures, the complex area of cultural policy cannot be justified in instrumental terms as an essential ‐ or unavoidable ‐ policy of government. Nonetheless, the cultural lobby is an effective and indefatigable pressure on government. The area of culture is just one small component of the public agenda that governments are obliged to support. Given other pressing portfolios, why do governments continue to take an interest in culture? Moreover, recent government policies seem to be setting up problems for the future such that governments will find it hard if not impossible to extricate themselves from a problematic relationship. So, what is the hold that culture has over governments? Traditionally, the answer seemed to be a combination of boosterism and cultural capital. Governments liked to bask in the reflected glory of cultural success believing that it contributed to their legitimacy and cultural competence. The glow of elite culture was seen to rub off onto political incumbents and their regimes. But in an age of pressures on government to justify public expenditure and meet accountability regimes, cultural support continues to appear on the funding agenda and governments continue to become embroiled in debates about competing support formulae. This relates to both the nature of ‘culture’ and broader definitions under the banner of ‘cultural policy’ as well as the nature of the sector which is, at once, elitist, institutionalized, commercial, highly specialist, niche and industry ‐ all premised on intangible nature of ‘creativity’. Paradoxically, contrary to other trends in public policy, arts and cultural funding has reverted to forms of patronage as the centrepiece of broadly defined policies of access, equity and self‐sufficiency. How has this policy portfolio managed to buck the trends of other domains of government attention? This article attempts to open some new ways of examining the question.3  相似文献   

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Chapman  Ralph J.K. 《Publius》1990,20(4):69-84
Public policy is the overt activity of governing and what governmentshave as their primary purpose. This is so whether the politicalsystem is unitary or federal. There are many more elements thatcomplicate policymaking in a federal system. In particular,constitutional, financial, and political issues intrude becauseof the necessary interdependence of otherwise independent andautonomous national and subnational components. This articleaddresses this complexity of joint action through use of theideas about federalism, the structure of governing institutions,and the processes of policymaking. The extent to which an outcomedepends on the mixture of independence and interdependence isconceptualized as degrees of the federal factor. Linking thisconcept to particular policy arenas may provide a better understandingof federal systems than explanation from centralization or decentralizationor dependence or independence.  相似文献   

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Weiler  Conrad 《Publius》1994,24(3):113-133
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the GeneralAgreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) shift power away fromstate and local government in the federal system. They imposenew rules on the exercise of state and local powers over procurementand the regulation of food, environmental, health, product andservice standards, investments, services, financial services,economic development, and land transportation. States will haveto comply with various reporting and registration requirements,and may be subject to stricter nondiscrimination obligationstoward imported goods and services than under the commerce clauseof the U.S. Constitution. State and local governments will bejudged by international panels, whose judgments the United Statesmust enforce or suffer trade sanctions from aggrieved tradingpartners. Yet, states have not strongly opposed NAFTA and GATT.The greatest state opposition has been to automatic preemption,which the Clinton administration promised to avoid as much aspossible. Nevertheless, increased power over federalism hasmoved to the executive branch, business, and trade-dispute panels,with less power for state and local governments.  相似文献   

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Stewart  Debra A. 《Publius》1985,15(3):81-96
In 1984, comparable worth came to occupy center stage amongstate and local political systems as the civil rights causeof the 1980s. Advocates of comparable worth came to see stateand local governments as being more receptive to consideringpolicy initiatives in this area than was the federal government.This article documents comparable worth events culminating in1984, describes the expansion of state and local action in thisarea, and considers the implications of these developments forthe federal system. A conceptual framework for examining theissue of comparable worth is also presented.  相似文献   

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Public policies developed under the New Federalism of the 1970s and the new privatism of the 1980s have produced a variety of policy problems for states. This is particularly true in the area of environmental policy. This paper looks at environmental policymaking in the coastal zone giving particular attention to the conflicts between the desire to protect renewable resources and the need for economic growth in the coastal zone. These conflicts are illustrated by an examination of comprehensive land use planning in Oregon and the federal government's proposal to develop seabed mining on the Gorda Ridge.  相似文献   

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