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区域集团化的原因在于:经济全球化和各国国内经济发展之间的矛盾运动;追求市场多元化,克服对单一市场的过度依赖;获得政治竞争优势.关税同盟理论表明,区域集团的贸易创造效应可能对世界经济发展有利,贸易转移效应可能对世界经济发展不利;大市场理论表明,区域集团能够促使规模经济形成,加剧竞争,提高管理和刺激技术发展,增进区域内直接投资;奥尔森的理论表明,区域集团会对成员国的各种特殊利益集团形成约束,促进各国经济效率的提高.区域集团化发展给我们的启示是:应以国家长期利益为重,树立均胜观;加强对内开放;加强与周边国家或地区的合作.  相似文献   

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章首先根据计量经济学原理,建立了二元线性计量经济模型,利用1983年-1998年的国内生产总值和外商直接投资数据,对外商直接投资对中国经济增长的积极影响进行了计量分析。然后,章较为详细的分析了这种积极影响的产生机制,并在此基础上提出了有关的建议。  相似文献   

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In his article for this issue of Economy and Society, Narayanan (2008 Narayanan, S. 2008. On the stalling of the Malaysian industrialization project. Economy and Society, 37(4): 595601. [Taylor &; Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]) presents a critique of our earlier work on Malaysian industrialization (Henderson &; Phillips 2007). Narayanan's objections are entirely empirical and they take the form of suggesting that had we looked at the ‘right’ data or ‘properly’ interpreted the data we provide, we would have seen that our hypothesis that Malaysia's industrialization project was ‘stalling’ was either wrong, or, if plausible, was unproven. In this response, we show that Narayanan is largely mistaken in his critique. While his contribution contains errors of interpretation, we argue that he is mistaken predominantly because he has misunderstood the methodological basis of our analysis. Specifically, he has failed to grasp our theoretical object and thus has been unable to identify the appropriate empirical terrain for assessing its significance and condition.  相似文献   

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在经济全球化的进程中,国际贸易在世界经济的发展中起到重要的作用。外语,作为国际贸易的一种交流工具备受重视。在外语中,英语作为国际语言,在国际贸易中必不可少,被广泛的使用。  相似文献   

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20世纪90年代以来,中国以巨大的市场潜力和日益改善的投资环境,吸引了大量的外商直接投资。江苏省地处中国东部沿海开放的前沿地带,投资环境优越,是中国开放型经济发展卓有成效的省份之一。外资的大量流入无疑对江苏省经济社会的发展产生了巨大的推动作用。然而在外商直接投资的业绩与潜力是不断变化的,为了衡量江苏省外商直接投资的业绩与潜力,我们采用业绩指数和潜力指数分析江苏省外商直接投资的业绩与潜力,并对影响外商直接投资的因素进行分析,由此得出政策性建议。  相似文献   

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While existing research provides evidence that globalisation sparks citizen demand for the welfare state in wealthy Western democracies, less is known about how globalisation affects public demand for welfare elsewhere. This study explores the link between globalisation and welfare preferences in postcommunist countries by examining workers at multinational corporations (MNCs). These workers have previously been found to have lower levels of job security, even in Western Europe. Additionally, in the postcommunist context, MNC employment also frequently offers better opportunities than other available jobs. This combination of risk and benefit creates higher demand for social insurance (such as unemployment insurance) because MNC workers have both higher job insecurity and higher costs of job loss (if the benefits of MNC employment make it difficult to find an equally good job). Original survey data from Ukraine shows that MNC workers experience greater insecurity and are paid more than other workers. They also express preferences for more expansive welfare programmes, prioritising those related to labour market insurance. This pattern of MNC workers’ experience and preferences is confirmed in cross-national survey data from 30 peripheral economies, demonstrating that the compensation hypothesis has wider application than previously shown.  相似文献   

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This paper assesses the impact of foreign direct investment on China's integration into the East Asian regional economy. The phenomenal growth of investment since 1992 has both benefited from, and also fuelled, the growth of local autonomy in post‐Mao China. The central state's ability to control the process of integration has subsequently been significantly undermined as the relationship between the local and the international becomes ever more important. While the tendency to emphasize low cost production advantages has attracted considerable inward investment in some areas, impressive short‐term growth rates may hide less beneficial long‐term consequences for China's position within East Asia, and for the trajectory of China's development in general.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article uses extensive fieldwork data to focus on the question of how Chinese and Japanese companies are competing in neighboring countries of Asia, and what economic forces will shape their future growth in the region. It begins by briefly discussing the history of Chinese and Japanese investment in the South and Southeast Asian regions. It traces the development of Japanese overseas investment policies, as well as China's more recent ‘Going Out’ government program to encourage overseas flows of capital. It then builds on prior political economy work as it uses case study focuses, with primary data based on the author's fieldwork research in several nations of Southeast Asia and in India, of the two key sectors of automobiles and electronics. It compares and contrasts the investment strategies of companies from each country, as well as the successes and failures of investments in the industries. It finds that Japanese companies’ advantages lie in industries utilizing advanced technology and management skills. Though the Japanese continue to lead in many areas, including automobiles, they have begun to face competition and potentially reduced profits in vital manufacturing areas. Meanwhile, Chinese overseas companies have made significant advances in the consumer electronics sector, using low prices and good quality, though overseas automobile investments have gained little traction. The article concludes that, if the Chinese can improve their product quality, capitalize on improving managerial skills and a deeper level of experience in the region, and establish brands they can sell with reliable distribution networks, Japanese companies could face losses to their Asian neighbor in these important parts of the continent they have dominated for decades.  相似文献   

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Abstract

To what extent is China–Japan rivalry a global phenomenon, and what is the nature of the rivalry they engage in outside their own region? Literature on Sino-Japanese rivalry abounds, but it pays scant attention to the relevance of the rivalry outside East Asia. This article argues that Sino-Japanese rivalry has indeed become a global phenomenon, that various forms of the rivalry are evident in Africa, and that they are mostly of an asymmetrical nature. Quantitatively, China’s contribution to Africa is far greater than that of Japan, with the exception of foreign direct investment (FDI). Qualitatively, though, Japan has a stronger sense of the rivalry than China has, revealing a psychological aspect to the asymmetry as well. Contextually, the types of activity that Chinese and Japanese actors carry out in Africa are not necessarily the same, which makes the rivalry all the more asymmetrical. The rivalry has become more apparent recently, not only because of the rise of China but also because of a change in the meaning of ‘Africa’ – from a region of ‘poverty’ and ‘hunger’ to a region of ‘economic opportunities’. That said, Africa – to a greater or lesser degree in each of its countries – still suffers from conflict and instability. As a result, the ability of Japan and China to exert power and influence throughout Africa is somewhat restricted.  相似文献   

11.
For two decades, the questions of what really motivates foreign investors to invest in a certain country remain unanswered and a controversial issue. Moreover, previous studies have overwhelmingly treated FDI (foreign direct investment) as unidimensional rather than multidimensional. In reality, FDI is rather multidimensional in that it is composed of components (equity capital, reinvested earnings, and other capital), each with its intrinsic characteristics in response to the same economic fundamentals, such as growth, institutional quality, exchange rate, taxes, market size, skill abundance, etc. Therefore, the main objective of this study was to seek the major determinants of the total FDI inflows in Turkey by treating total FDI as multidimensional to avoid a distorted empirical prediction concerning the total FDI, which is greatly neglected in the FDI literature. Accordingly, the author employed the panel corrected standard error (PCSE) model for annual data between 2003 and 2012, he found that FDIs are responsive to the country risk (CR) indices of both Turkey and EU (European Union) and to the tax measures of 2006.  相似文献   

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Policies for preventing or mitigating unfavorable economic conditions, such as inflation, balance-of-payments deficits, and recessions are usually determined by successful policies used in the past, but these policies may not be relevant for certain problems in the future due to changes in conditions. In the past, developing countries with balance of payments problems seeking help from the IMF were usually required to reduce their budget deficits, restrict the money supply, and make other macroeconomic restrictions. However, financial crises experienced by the East Asian countries in 1995–1996 arose mainly from declines in their securities markets accompanied by capital exports and sharp currency depreciation. The IMF provided generous assistance conditioned on the recipients' applying restrictive macroeconomic measures, even though there was no inflation or excessive monetary expansion. The cause of the financial crises was primarily capital outflows generated by defaults on loans made by banks largely for real estate projects, and in some cases resulting bank failures. The capital outflow and the sharp depreciation of the currencies, coupled with macroeconomic restrictions, led to recession and unemployment in these countries. The article goes on to discuss the policies the IMF should have promoted. Its credits should have been used to sustain imports rather than to support currencies and maintain debt service repayments.  相似文献   

15.
The last decades' trend towards the creation of a world market of goods and services and the upsurge of China as a global competitor ought to be considered as an important challenge for the European Union. In contrast to this interpretation, the European Union policy towards China has suffered from an absence from a long run view. European institutional behaviour has been based on applying measures that were solely reactions to the policies launched by the United States. Finally, the difficulty of finding common interests among all member countries has been a constant in the relationship with China. The European Union has recently shown a clear concern about the unavoidable need of improving European firms' competitiveness, especially in order to overcome the Chinese access to the internationalised division of labour. Nevertheless, it is still difficult to observe a thorough treatment for the economic challenge of emergent economies as a whole in many European policy measures.  相似文献   

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经济全球化与发展中国家的产业保护   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
无论是贸易自由主义还是贸易保护主义,均是一国政府制定外贸政策的依据,二者并不存在泾渭分明的界限,只是谁占主导地位的问题.尽管经济学家们普遍推崇自由贸易,但绝对的自由贸易是不存在的.对此,作为全球化进程中处于相对弱势地位的发展中国家应保持足够清醒的认识,在积极融入经济全球化的过程中,也应认识到"保护贸易的正当性和普遍性".必须采取适当的措施和手段保护国内产业.  相似文献   

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This article examines a little‐studied component of public administration existing in most countries around the world and particularly important for developing countries: national investment promotion agencies (IPAs). Diasporas are an increasingly important and relatively untapped resource for development and many homeland governments view diaspora foreign investment as key to their economic development. In addition to being generally under‐resourced, many IPAs struggle to identify ways to effectively target, cultivate and facilitate diaspora homeland investment (DHI). To accomplish these goals, these public‐sector entities are beginning to identify and leverage key partnerships in the NGO sector. We describe the services IPAs offer and enumerate the challenges they face associated with DHI. Drawing on three illustrations of IPA–NGO partnerships, we develop preliminary tools for identifying and designing partnerships for the purpose of promoting DHI based on their scope, function and degree of formality. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

18.
Australian International Relations (IR) was once a hybrid of American and European styles of political science, but today it is dominated by a British‐inspired post‐positivism which has its virtues – and its vices – and which utilises various interpretive and semi‐interpretive approaches. This paper welcomes the ‘interpretive turn’ in Australian IR, but recognises its weaknesses, and argues that, to overcome them, interpretivists must be clear about what interpretivism should and should not entail. It argues that a thoroughgoing interpretivism offers two things that qualitative work in Australian IR desperately needs: a revived focus on explaining international relations, as well as understanding it, and a renewed engagement with other fields and other modes of studying the field.  相似文献   

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哲学的价值范畴是人文价值,是人的应然存在在自己的对象性活动中的全面生成;而经济学的价值范畴则仅仅是满足人的物质需要的经济价值,二者之间是一般与个别的关系,既不能彼此分割,也不能互相替代。认真探讨人文价值与经济价值的对立统一关系,有助于消除因价值概念的混淆而带来的思想混乱,矫正经济活动中的价值论误区。  相似文献   

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Incentives to cultivate a personal reputation encourage legislators to generate policy outcomes for which they can claim credit. We show that these incentives make themselves felt in international agreements – a domain that might typically be considered within the purview of the executive branch. Through a cross-national analysis and brief case studies, we show that countries with electoral systems that encourage personal vote seeking are more likely to negotiate exceptions to treaties meant to liberalize their investment environments. Legislators benefit by being able to claim credit for having protected their constituents from the competition an unrestricted agreement would entail.  相似文献   

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