国际能源转型现状与前景

相对于历史上煤炭替代柴薪和石油替代煤炭,当前的能源转型在某种程度上主要为政治因素驱动,政策扶持是新能源和可再生能源发展的主要推动力.摆脱化石能源、发展低碳经济是人心所向,大势所趋,但新的能源转型何时及如何完成,在很大程度上是个经济和技术问题,近中期还存在诸多不确定因素.新能源体系的形成不仅取决于具有潜力的新能源自身能否及何时出现革命性变革,形成较大的对现有主导能源的综合竞争优势,而且还取决于需求端特别是能源利用设备方面的重大突破.     

北约东扩的影响

今年3月2 9日,罗马尼亚等于2 0 0 2年北约布拉格峰会批准入盟的中东欧七国,全部完成加入北约的法律程序,冷战后北约的第二轮东扩顺利完成。北约顺利实现新一轮东扩是美国为首的大西洋联盟在新国际形势下取得的一次重大战略突破,对未来国际安全形势及北约自身的发展均将产生巨大影响。首先,北约重心东移将促使欧亚地缘政治结构出现新变化。其一,整个欧洲大陆已基本处于北约的控制之下。东欧七国正式加入北约后,北约的战略防线在东部已直接推进到俄西北边界,其南翼也与孤悬一角的土耳其连成一片,北约战略纵深得到进一步扩大。尤其对西欧而言,…     

二十国集团的角色转型与法国戛纳峰会展望

在后危机时代,二十国集团(G20)需要从一个危机应对机制转变为全球经济指导委员会.在此过程中,G20面临着成员国利益分歧加大、世人对其信心下降、合法性不足、缺乏执行力、议题拓展等一些问题.作者在分析G20角色转型所面临的这些问题的基础上,给出了短、中、长三个阶段的目标,并据此对法国戛纳峰会的前景进行了展望.作者认为,大国之间的协调和合作,以及成员国之间的妥协是G20顺利转型的关键.     

NATO: The View from the East

Abstract

Relations between Russia, Ukraine and Belarus and NATO have placed more emphasis on cooperation than confrontation since the Cold War, and Ukraine has begun to move towards membership. At the popular level, on the evidence of national surveys in 2004 and 2005, NATO continues to be perceived as a significant threat, but in Russia and Ukraine it comes behind the United States (in Belarus the numbers are similar). There are few socioeconomic predictors of support for NATO membership that are significant across all three countries, but there are wide differences by region, and by attitudinal variables such as support for a market economy and for EU membership. The relationship between popular attitudes and foreign policy is normally a distant one; but in Ukraine NATO membership will require public support in a referendum, and in all three cases public attitudes on foreign policy issues can influence foreign policy in other ways, including the composition of parliamentary committees. In newly independent states whose international allegiances are still evolving, the associations between public opinion and foreign and security policy may often be closer than in the established democracies.     

The EU,NATO and Europeanisation: The return of architectural debate

In international relations, ideas matter. Not only are ideas important, and rooted in a relationship with interests, but present ideas are shaped by the outcome of past ideational battles. It is the impact of conflict between the ideas of the early 1990s upon the present that concerns this article. The first section of this article suggests that ideas matter. The second then examines the interplay of those ideas of European security in the early 1990s. The third and fourth sections trace the inevitable move to NATO enlargement that arose as a consequence. And the conclusion will examine how this contemporary history has shaped the debates of today.     

北约扩大及其前景分析

北约自1949年成立以来，历时60年，冷战时期的40多年里由成立之初的12国增加到16国，冷战后历经三轮扩大，由16国激增到28国，从而极大地改变了欧亚大陆的地缘政治格局，而这种扩大的趋势并未停止。北约扩大可确保北约盟主美国掌控欧亚大陆的主导权不受挑战，同时也将受到欧亚大陆诸大国的反对和制衡。未来北约扩大的方向和进程，将主要取决于美国与欧亚大陆各大国之间的战略博弈的结果。     

走向全球化的北大西洋公约组织

一、成立背景及其概况 北大西洋公约组织（North Atlantic Treaty Organization，NATO）（以下简称北约）是1949年4月4日由美国、英国、法国、荷兰、比利时、卢森堡、加拿大、丹麦、挪威、冰岛、葡萄牙、意大利等12国在华盛顿共同签署《北大西洋公约》而成立的。按照《北大西洋公约》有关规定，缔约国实行“集体防御”，任何缔约国同他国发生战争时，应给予“援助”，包括使用武力。北约组织所涉及的地理范围包括北美、欧洲成员国和土耳其本土及地中海、北回归线以北大西洋内各成员国之岛屿。总部设在比利时首都布鲁塞尔。     

北约与俄欧关系

冷战后,北约作为世界上最强大的政治军事联盟,通过东扩、科索沃战争及俄罗斯-北约合作机制的建立,继续保持了对俄欧关系的重大影响。由于俄欧关系和俄北关系之间存在着互动关系,俄为保证优先发展对欧关系的方针取得成功,必须同时加强与北约的关系。从俄罗斯、欧盟、北约和美国等彼此间的复杂关系看,俄欧关系的发展可进一步推动俄北合作关系机制化,并降低北约作为美国全球战略工具的作用。但由于战略和经济上的分歧与矛盾,俄欧合作存在明显的局限性,这将导致俄欧关系在上述方面的影响力和作用受到较大限制。     

How NATO remembers: explaining institutional memory in NATO crisis management

This article introduces an argument for how institutional memory of crisis management operations develops in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Scholars of European security and of international organisations have examined organisational learning, but have yet to explain its precondition: institutional memory. In a context of increasing turnover due to defence budget cuts, it remains unclear how shared knowledge of strategic errors is acquired. This article finds that the NATO secretariat facilitates practitioners’ use of informal processes for contributing to institutional memory in response to the constraints of existing formal learning processes. These formal processes, including a lessons learned centre and a lessons learned database, inadvertently disincentivise practitioners from contributing such knowledge as using them can incur reputational costs. Drawing on NATO documentation and interviews with 27 NATO elite practitioners, the paper provides evidence that practitioners instead share knowledge through three informal processes: interpersonal communications, private documentation and crisis simulations.     

The Balkans and the enlargement of NATO: A sceptical view

Throughout the Cold War, NATO and the USA worked hard to consolidate their strategic presence in Europe, while at the same time containing the Soviet threat. But the road taken by NATO in its effort to reform itself after the collapse of Communism and the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact, has not been a royal path, smooth and free of risk. NATO's geopolitical and selective way of eastward expansion encourages the creation of new ‘enemy blocs’ with Russia at their epicentre. The clash between NATO and the European Union over defence and security issues becomes all the more obvious. The humanitarian war over Kosovo was a risky affair whose spillover effects are badly felt today with the uprising of Albanian Macedonians; The Kosovo war, moreover, created a unique precedent in the conduct of foreign policy and clearly bordered on ‘double standard’ politics. Last but not least, the wider implications of Turkey's entry into the European Union may not be, in the long run, as positive for NATO as initially thought they would be.

This article offers a critical overview of NATO's reform process in the 1990s and argues that its transformation from a military defence pact into a political organisation upholding and selectively implementing liberal‐democratic principles may lead the alliance into serious political deadlocks in the years to come.     

NATO expansion and Russian national interests

The article centres on the debate in Russia about NATO expansion into Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and how expansion affects re‐emergent Russian national interests post‐Madrid. The author examines official Russian arguments against expansion as well as the views of policy‐makers and political commentators, assesses the impact of NATO's plans on Russian‐Western Security and disarmament arrangements and analyses Russia's relations with her neighbours in CEE, the CIS and Asia.     

为北约的未来号脉

冷战结束以后,在美国的推动下,北约大举东扩,北约成员国数量猛增,传统防区从欧洲扩张到了中亚。但美国与欧洲国家在北约存在的目的、行动机制等关键问题上意见相左。北约难以在短时期之内成为一个真正意义上的国际组织。     

Russia and NATO expansion: The uneasy basis of the founding act

Much of the debate since the formation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy has focused on the political will, or lack thereof, as the principal obstacle to a successful European security policy. However, even if a cohesive will to develop a clear and operational foreign and security policy exists, the lack of military capabilities within the EU would make the implementation of that policy difficult, if not impossible, for the foreseeable future. The emerging political will to develop a CFSP needs to be paralleled by significant improvements in the force projection capabilities of the EU member states in order for a CFSP and future Common Defence Policy to be credible.     

The NATO Warsaw Summit: Reflections on Unfinished Business

The deterioration of the European security environment has put NATO back at the centre of transatlantic strategy. The recent Alliance summit in Warsaw focused on some critical priorities, above all strengthening European security vis-à-vis an increasingly assertive Russia. But the summit left some other pressing matters to be addressed, including the difficult questions of strategy toward the Black Sea, the Mediterranean and the south in general. Concerns about Brexit, the US elections and the challenge of trust on both sides of the Atlantic were just below the surface in Warsaw.