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1.
Over the past decade, as human rights discourses have increasingly served to legitimize state militarism, a growing number
of thinkers have sought to engage critically with the human rights project and its anthropological foundations. Amongst these
thinkers, Giorgio Agamben’s account of rights is possibly the most damning: human rights declarations, he argues, are biopolitical
mechanisms that serve to inscribe life within the order of the nation state, and provide an earthly foundation for a sovereign
power that is taking on a form redolent of the concentration camp. In this paper, I will examine Agamben’s account of human
rights declarations, which he sees as central to the modern collapse of the distinction between life and politics that had
typified classical politics. I will then turn to the critique of Agamben offered by Jacques Ranciere, who suggests that Agamben’s
rejection of rights discourses is consequent to his adoption of Hannah Arendt’s belief that, in order to establish a realm
of freedom, the political realm must be premised on the expulsion of natural life. In contrast to Ranciere, I will argue that
far from sharing the position of those thinkers, like Arendt, who seek to respond to the modern erosion of the borders between
politics and life by resurrecting earlier forms of separation, Agamben sees the collapse of this border as the condition of
possibility of a new, non-juridical politics.
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2.
The concept of division or caesura is central to the political and legal philosophy of Giorgio Agamben. This paper examines
the different ways in which Agamben characterises the law in terms of caesura, and the manner in which this analysis of law
is grounded in his analyses of language. I argue that there are two forms of legal division to be found in Agamben’s political
analyses. The first is the division that occurs when the legal system produces determinate identities, such as those of nation,
and socio-economic status. However, this form of division is itself predicated upon the division that delimits the law as
such, the caesura between political and bare life. The way that Agamben sets up both of these political problems is deeply
indebted to his analyses of the ‘presuppositional structure’ of metaphysical language—the fracture between signification and
its excess.
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3.
Black men, especially those in the lower-class are stereotyped as hypermasculine. Such stereotypes may affect placement in
criminal justice programs as well as whether offenders successfully complete programming given placement. This article considers
whether the intersection of class and race affect boot camp failure. Using data from MacKenzie’s evaluation of correctional
boot camps, results show that neither race, nor the interaction of race with indicators of orientation towards decent or street
behavior has any effect on dropping out of boot camp. What is significant in predicting boot camp completion is the offender’s
belief prior to beginning the program that he is “tough enough” to handle the institution. However, this result is opposite
of expected for black men. The implications of this result and future directions are considered.
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4.
This article provides the background to an international project on use of force by the police that was carried out in seven
countries. Force is often considered to be the defining characteristic of policing and much research has been conducted on
the determinants, prevalence and control of the use of force, particularly in the United States. However, little work has
looked at police officers’ own views on the use of force, in particular the way in which they justify it. Using a hypothetical
encounter developed for this project, researchers in each country conducted focus groups with police officers in which they
were encouraged to talk about the use of force. The results show interesting similarities and differences across countries
and demonstrate the value of using this kind of research focus and methodology.
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5.
One of the most contentious issues in the negotiations aimed at operationalizing the Kyoto Protocol was the treatment of sinks
and, particularly, the eligibility of sinks projects in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). This paper attempts to analyse
the politics underlying these negotiations, drawing on methods of process tracing, key informant interviews, negotiating texts
and secondary literature. Tracing the sinks debate and highlighting key lessons about the nature of global environmental agreements
and their institutional arrangements is the first step to recounting the history of the politics of one of the major contemporary
international environmental debates. The paper shows that the Kyoto Protocol negotiations on sinks and CDM-sinks were multilaterally
supported as a practical solution, but went ‘off track’ due to actors’ interests and tradeoffs. As regards future negotiations
on forest sinks in developing countries under the framework of the UNFCCC, the paper argues that these are likely to be influenced
by similar constraints, and also by the conservation and development agenda of its supporters; as well as the experience gathered
on the CDM and the interests and concerns of developing countries. We broadly frame the paper within the literature on global
environmental politics.
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6.
Among various kinds of corruption in China, corruption of the First-in-Command (FIC) is most pernicious, threatening the legitimacy
of the Chinese Communist Party and the stability of the state. This paper examines several specific institutional arrangements
under China’s current political structure, including the people’s congress, the ruling party system, and the collective leadership
team system, to see how they have contributed to power overconcentration in the hands of FICs. This is done in a two-round
process: first through the collective leadership team and then by the gestating decision-making rule. The paper also assesses
four institutional innovations designed to prevent FIC corruption.
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7.
This paper examines the role of the target-based responsibility system for building upright Party style and clean government
in combating corruption in local China. It argues that the effectiveness of the target-based responsibility system in corruption
control is compromised by a number of implementation hurdles in practice. Based on a close examination of one county, Shaanxi
Province in the northwest China, this study shows that low measurability of the targets, the conflict between anti-corruption
work and other evaluation targets, and the impact of patronage politics account for the implementation failure of the target-based
responsibility system. The fundamental problem lies in that under China’s unified cadre personnel management system, political
will can interfere with the handling of corruption on a case-by-case basis, no matter what kind of anti-corruption mechanism
is employed. Under this context, the adoption of the target-based responsibility system in fighting corruption results in
nothing more than “pouring old wine into new bottles.”
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8.
Open interviews and unplanned conversations with criminals are an important part of ethnographic research in criminology.
This paper presents an analysis of conversations with members of Russian criminal groups. An attempt is made to explore the
value of these informal interviews, the danger of informal contacts with criminals, and the reliability of the information
received.
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9.
Incarceration rates in many countries (the US and Australia among them) have risen spectacularly over the last twenty years
and are only partially explicable by increases in crime rates. Moreover, in some countries where crime rates have shown a
comparable time-path, incarceration rates have not shown the same spectacular increase. The aim of this paper is to explore
the politics of punishment. The claim is that the US and Australian experiences are best understood in terms of political
considerations; and that this fact lends some support to the “expressive” as distinct from the “interest” approach to electoral
behaviour.
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10.
This essay is a study of three texts written by the psychoanalyst Wulf Sachs. These texts hold an important lesson about the
psychoanalytic turn in jurisprudence. Their attempt to extend psychoanalysis’s frontiers to fight the legalization of racism
in pre-apartheid South Africa recoils upon itself, stripping self-evidence from the singular constellation of law, life, language,
and sovereignty psychoanalysis derives from ancient and modern tragedy and formalizes into a discipline. Even as Sachs’s trilogy
turns to psychoanalysis to critique the legalization of racism, it also points to the limits of psychoanalysis itself as a
paradigm for the study of law.
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11.
This paper tries to read together three texts that refer to the Rwandan genocide and to draw attention to certain paradoxes
that emerge from the way in which the texts might be said to talk to and past each other. The overall intention is to throw
light on the complications in witnessing such an event, and to themes of justice and politics that arise.
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12.
This article focuses on a research project conducted in six jurisdictions: England, The Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Venezuela,
and Brazil. These societies are very different ethnically, socially, politically, economically, historically and have wildly
different levels of crime. Their policing arrangements also differ significantly: how they are organised; how their officers
are equipped and trained; what routine operating procedures they employ; whether they are armed; and much else besides. Most
relevant for this research, they represent policing systems with wildly different levels of police shootings, Police in the
two Latin American countries represented here have a justified reputation for the frequency with which they shoot people,
whereas at the other extreme the police in England do not routinely carry firearms and rarely shoot anyone. To probe whether
these differences are reflected in the way that officers talk about the use of force, police officers in these different jurisdictions
were invited to discuss in focus groups a scenario in which police are thwarted in their attempt to arrest two youths (one
of whom is a known local criminal) by the youths driving off with the police in pursuit, and concludes with the youths crashing
their car and escaping in apparent possession of a gun, It might be expected that focus groups would prove starkly different,
and indeed they were, but not in the way that might be expected. There was little difference in affirmation of normative and
legal standards regarding the use of force. It was in how officers in different jurisdictions envisaged the circumstances
in which the scenario took place that led Latin American officers to anticipate that they would shoot the suspects, whereas
officers in the other jurisdictions had little expectation that they would open fire in the conditions as they imagined them
to be.
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13.
The current study describes the everyday life of Israeli prisoners and analyzes the actions they perform and the language
they use as a reflection of their constraints, distresses, worldviews, beliefs, and attitudes. Data were subjected to a content
analysis, and the salience of the values, norms and argot terms were assessed using two measures, attention and intensity.
The inmates’ values and norms and the argot expressions were divided into categories with reference to different aspects of
prison experience: prisoners’ adherence to the code, inmates’ interpersonal loyalty, sexual behavior in prison, drugs, violence
and miscellaneous.
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14.
After decades of neglect, a growing number of scholars have turned their attention to issues of crime and criminal justice
in the rural context. Despite this improvement, rural crime research is underdeveloped theoretically, and is little informed
by critical criminological perspectives. In this article, we introduce the broad tenets of a multi-level theory that links
social and economic change to the reinforcement of rural patriarchy and male peer support, and in turn, how they are linked
to separation/divorce sexual assault. We begin by addressing a series of misconceptions about what is rural, rural homogeneity
and commonly held presumptions about the relationship of rurality, collective efficacy (and related concepts) and crime. We
conclude by recommending more focused research, both qualitative and quantitative, to uncover specific link between the rural
transformation and violence against women.
This paper was presented at the 2006 annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Los Angeles, California. Some
of the research reported here was supported by National Institute of Justice Grant 2002-WG-BX-0004 and financial assistance
provided by the College of Arts and Sciences and the Office of the Vice President for Research at Ohio University. Arguments
and findings included in this article are those of the authors and do not represent the official position of the US Department
of Justice or Ohio University. Please send all correspondence to Walter S. DeKeseredy, e-mail: walter.dekeseredy@uoit.ca.
All of the names of the women who participated in DeKeseredy and colleagues’ rural Ohio study and who are quoted have been
changed to maintain confidentiality.
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15.
In this analysis of Marcia Baron’s account of excuses, I seek to do two
things. I try to draw out the nature of the distinction between forgiving
and excusing. I also defend the distinction between excuses (like duress),
and denials of responsibility (like insanity).
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16.
Considering earlier research into police use of force as well as the judicial and practical frame of police work in Germany,
the article presents the results of an empirical study on the individual and collective legitimization of the use of force
by German police officers. There are numerous justifications for the use of force expressed by focus group participants in
eight German Federal States who were responding to a hypothesized scenario. In the discussions observed within the groups,
reference is first made to the state’s duty to prosecute alleged offences and the measures or formal actions to do this—hence,
the legal authority to use force. In the course of the discussions, however, it became obvious that illegal violence may occur,
although it was not perceived as such by the officers. Overall, and after an intensive analysis of the focus group discussions,
it can be stated that use of force (whether legal or not) depends on the police officer’s perception of the resistance of
the person being engaged with. In this regard, different social–cultural or physical–material factors can be identified. They
have different influences on the individual legitimization of police actions, intertwined with the perception of the situation
as constructed by the officer. Three ways of perceiving the situation can be deduced, resulting in different patterns of justification
for the use of force.
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17.
We ask whether informal interactions between university and industry scientists result in collaborative research. Using data
from a national survey of tenured and tenure-track scientists and engineers in U.S. research extensive universities, we demonstrate
that university scientists’ informal interactions with private sector companies increase both the likelihood and intensity
of collaborative research with industry.
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18.
This commentary on Michael Cahill’s Grading Arson argues that Cahill’s analysis inevitably leads to three possible conclusions. First, arson does not belong in criminal codes.
Second, crimes of manner do not belong in criminal codes. And, third, the special part needs serious reconsideration. Although
Cahill is reticent to draw any of these conclusions, this commentary urges Cahill to embrace all three.
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19.
This paper begins by examining the arguments that led to the change of emphasis from residential training and detention to community-based measures in Hong Kong. Police cautioning and community support services are introduced. An evaluation of the services provided found that the majority of respondents reported high levels of satisfaction with them. It is likely that the services exerted positive influences on the respondents’ deviant behaviour, family values and sense of social responsibility, but one-fifth of them continued to commit deviant acts. Parents’ participation was not high. Young offenders rarely took responsibility for the offence they committed or understood the harm they had done to victims, and victims were not involved in deciding the intervention plan. The conclusions raise issues about the future for Hong Kong. They consider new diversionary strategies for responding to young people and debate the values that should underpin them. 相似文献
20.
The rapid economic growth in China over recent decades has been accompanied by higher levels of crime, but there have been
few studies of the Chinese experience of criminal victimization. A recent victimization survey of a representative sample
of households in Tianjin represents a major effort to fill this gap in the literature. The present paper reviews the research
based on the Tianjin survey along with other studies of crime and criminal victimization in China that have been published
since 1990. We summarize the major findings, discuss the theoretical perspectives and methodological strategies that have
been applied, identify the limitations of the research to date, and offer suggestions for future research.
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