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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(3):409-425
This paper deals with popular perceptions of Soviet ideology during the period of Late Socialism. On the premises of colonial theory, mass communication and pop culture studies, the author argues that even totalitarian ideologies are subject to active consumption, excorporation and interpolation. While the official Soviet media provided a rather stable picture of the Soviet citizen, loyal to the Soviet authorities and the Soviet ideals, this paper reveals, on the basis of multiple interviews, how ideology operates at the level of everyday life and popular consciousness. 相似文献
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Brokering Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity: Chilean Lawyers and Public Interest Litigation Strategies
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PENNY MILES 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2015,34(4):435-450
Rights gains for members of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) populations in Chile have been highly contentious since democratisation, indicative of the stigmatisation directed towards non‐normative gender and sexual identities. This article addresses the role of activist lawyers pursuing LGBTI rights cases through the courts, and draws on McAdam and colleagues' (2001) concept of a ‘broker’ to examine the lawyers' roles in linking previously unconnected sites within the judiciary and further afield. The analysis draws these processes together through interactionist perspectives of meaning‐making and how they relate to stigma, deviancy and identity. 相似文献
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George W. Breslauer 《后苏联事务》2013,29(3):252-280
An American political scientist reinterprets the politics of economic reform in the USSR from 1953 to 1991. The paper offers an integrated explanation for three features of reform policies: their reappearance during periods of political succession; their persistent partiality; and their radicalization over time. The explanation focuses on the interaction over time among political competition, ideology, and collective learning. Reasoning leads to conclusions that a consensus on the superiority of a market economy finally emerged within the Soviet leadership in 1990, but that the learning process has not resulted in a consensus on strategies and costs of transition, journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 040, 052. 相似文献
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Peggy L. Falkenheim 《East Asia》1989,8(4):43-59
This article explores the ways in which the Gorbachev regime has tried to improve what Soviet policymakers perceive as an
unfavorable balance of power in Northeast Asia. It argues that Gorbachev’s initial response, which emphasized regional arms
control proposals, has not been successful because Japanese leaders do not see them as meaningful concessions. More recent
changes in Soviet policy offer greater prospects for accommodation. Changes in the global East-West environment and domestic
trends in Japan also may have a positive impact on Soviet-Japanese security relations.
She is the author ofJapan and Arms Control (Canadian Centre for Arms Control and Disarmament, Ottawa, 1987). 相似文献
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作为公共利益的具体表现,无论是马来西亚的法律制度,还是其经济社会发展政策,都是一种利益博弈的结果.博弈的规则、利益集团的力量大小、策略选择是否得当都对博弈的结果即公共利益的形成具有重要影响,其中博弈规则的影响最为关键.在既定规则下,作为一个利益集团,要想在利益博弈中,尽可能取得较多的利益,必须尽可能加强自己的力量,在博弈过程中,采取理性的策略,否则可能会一招不慎,满盘皆输,自己集团的利益在制度或政策(公共利益的具体体现)中也难以得到照顾. 相似文献
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欧盟利益集团研究虽然已经有了多年的进展,但仍未形成共识性的概念和理论框架。本文从概念和研究议题出发,分析了欧盟利益集团研究的重要性、面临的问题以及未来的发展方向。文章认为,欧盟利益集团研究需要在统一概念和理论框架下对已有的各个角度的相关研究进行统和,进而形成较为完备的适合欧盟这一特殊政治实体的利益集团研究体系,这是目前该研究领域迫切需要突破之处。 相似文献
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Problems within the present fiscal and monetary system of the USSR are examined (a) as a function of both past systemic shortcomings and of fiscal developments caused by economic reforms enacted to date and (b) as obstacles that must be overcome during the transition to a more market-oriented economy. Major sources of disequilibrium in the present economy are identified through analysis of Soviet budgets from both the reform and pre-reform periods, and a concluding section presents policy options for the period of transition to a more radical economic reform. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 027, 124, 300. 相似文献
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《中东研究》2012,48(4):511-536
From the outset the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was strongly condemned by Britain and all the other NATO member states, by the non-aligned group and by key countries in Asia and the Middle East. During the first days following the invasion, London worked for the speedy build-up of a diplomatic consensus, while the Carter administration was still in a state of surprise and some confusion. It is evident that the single factor that led many countries to join forces diplomatically was the fear of further Soviet adventurism in Asia and the Middle East; uninformed, alarmist assessments of Soviet intentions played a major part in cementing a diplomatic coalition, which led to the condemnation of Moscow in the UN General Assembly – predictably, the Soviets had vetoed a Security Council resolution. Simply put, the fear of war led to something of a panic among non-aligned nations, which in turn convinced them to back western diplomacy. 相似文献
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Andranik Migranyan 《后苏联事务》2013,29(2):155-159
A prominent Soviet political scientist, who has specialized in comparative politics and theories of transition, argues that Gorbachev's strategy of transition was misguided from its conception, which explains his current travails. Yet the author also argues that Gorbachev's leadership has not outlived its usefulness, for he still has an important role to play in preventing the transition from turning violent, and in facilitating the marketization and democratization processes. The essay reflects developments through the first three weeks of November 1990. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers, 124, 822. 相似文献
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本文首先对印尼纺织服装业面对的挑战与困难作了介绍,并对近几年印尼纺织服装业走下坡路的原因作了分析,最后就印尼政府的对策及其纺织服装业的前景进行评估与展望。 相似文献